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policy

Jean Barrot (1973)

["Le Mouvement Communiste", Paris, No. 5 October 1973 ; see also the same author, most recently against democracy ]

" Their political intelligence concealed them the roots of their social misery, in their distorted understanding of their true purposes, so that their political intelligence deceived their social instinct. " ( Karl Marx , 1844).

Every social system is both a personal and impersonal force. If you miss the first deadline, the company becomes only an entity above the social relations, and if you miss the second, is not possible overview, and we do not include dynamics. In addition, capital is both competition and solidarity, unity and contradiction. The movement is both centrifugal and centripetal. The Book III de Capital not intended to plug a hole in the grounds of simple scientific consistency: Marx will study the "whole process" to order to highlight this double movement. It has been said, rightly, that Capital is not a work of economics, but a critique of economics as a separate study of a separate business . In fact, it insists on the economic if not in order to place it in a larger whole, of which the study of the state and the world market would be the conclusion that Marx did not have the time nor the strength to draw (both for material reasons, both because they do not discern the full extent) [1]. Still, it's from the study of capital, and therefore the Capital , which can address the policy goes back to) the beginning of Book I, b) the partial synthesis consisting of the first sections of Book III. A single theme unites the analysis of goods to that of the overall process of capital.

If the International Situationniste spoke of "society of spectacle", the first section Paper I provides the elements of a similar theme, about the notion of representation . The Jewish Question , to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right. Introduction , Critique of the Hegelian state law and Glosses critical margin to ' Article 'The King of Prussia and Social Reform: Observations of a Prussian " had sketched this reflection on the separation and politics. The commodity is the cell shape, the basic element of the economy of capital. But in a broader sense, the commercial relationship is the archetype of social relations in the capitalist world. An item is a report, not as good, but in terms of what it represents, the amount of abstract work that has crystallized. It matters little to the actual content of the object against which the goods are exchanged: to import is just what it is "support." Similarly, individuals who are engaged in the exchange, they look without in realtà vedersi, giacché considerano l’altro solo come un mezzo per accrescere una somma di valore. Inoltre, ciascuno finisce per considerare anche se stesso come il supporto di qualcosa che è altro da sé: il lavoro è un mezzo per guadagnarsi la vita, anziché per viverla. L’attività è un mezzo per accedere a qualcosa d'altro, a qualcosa di esteriore al suo contenuto proprio. E questo «altro» – vedere gli amici, viaggiare, amare etc. – tende a sua volta a comportarsi come la riproduzione di un’immagine della vita, dunque come una rappresentazione che viene imposta dal capitale. Le merci, ma anche coloro che ne sono i possessori, percorrono una galleria di specchi nella quale possono exist only contemplating.

"estranged from the product of his work, his life activity, his being generic man becomes a stranger man . When the faces, is the ' other that is before him. What is true about man's relationship with the his work with the product of his work and himself, it is true about her relationship with each other, as well as with the work and the object of others' work. In general, the argument that man is estranged from his being generic means that men have become strangers to each other, and each one is estranged from the human species. "[2]

The relationship with the other has no value in itself, but its aim is self-empowerment, whether real or symbolic. This movement is deepening with the change from the simple commodity economy mercantile capitalism, but its foundation remains. Those men who are the sellers of commodified labor-power, do not relate to each other only in the light of their social development [3]. Each commodity is interested only in the exchange value of other goods, not their value in use, and especially considers its value in use, its very being, only to support its exchange value. We have relationships with other people only for what they represent, not for what they are. In the U.S., where Marx noted in the last century worker's indifference to the content of their work, the isolation of individuals generates a 'social life' in which si presume che il «buon americano» appartenga a diversi club e associazioni, dove di volta in volta impersona il ruolo che ci si attende da lui: buon cristiano, buon cittadino, buon padre etc. A livello individuale, il senso dei propri atti sfugge: nulla di ciò che faccio ha un legame con la ragione per cui lo faccio. Credo di agire, ma sono in realtà agito dalla società. A livello dei gruppi sociali, una classe, agli occhi dell'altra, è solo il supporto della propria esistenza. Ma in primo luogo, se il valore impone la propria legge, è alla società stessa che sfugge the rationale for their actions.

To the extent that the unit is gone, the company must be reorganized, and this becomes the preferred activities, and even main. The management becomes the problem, and the decision of the special moment. Since the action is divided and fragmented, the decision whether it detaches and becomes a task of the apparatus of a specialized. The power is constituted as a separate activity and function, only because the social activity itself is separate. The problem of power , nell'accezione narrower term arises when people have lost the power to act and change.

Greek philosophy, seeking to establish a society where the elite take care of managing the power to manage the company, the theory and idealized painful alienation of which tries, however, passing on the artistic, but in both cases it is already an effort to establish mediation, since the report immediately disappeared. It is not only because of the class struggles that we need a structure to maintain the unity of society. More precisely, the "struggle" class is only one aspect - the focus - of a wider reality. Is there a contradiction between social groups and between tasks. The commercial logic is imposed social balance. The threats to life on the planet are evidence, and confirm what is called (unilaterally) the prospect of catastrophic theoretical communism. But the ancient world already knew, albeit in different forms, this issue, and the development policies of Plato and Aristotle were essentially designed to preserve a balance between classes is endangered by the development of wealth. The originality of the Negro lies in having tried for a long time, often to the XIX century, to maintain a stable balance between a) the remains of ancient communities , based on ties of kinship and the whole of social life, and b) the development of commercial activities. The black world was limited, but not able to prevent the development of policy as specialized activities in the separation of unification, and power as an institution in charge of this function.

'Thus, roughly from 1450 onwards, the central problem of the imperial policy is in need of finding a balance between the interests of cities - with their merchants, officials and the growing interest in the collection - and against the interests of the country, egalitarian extensively [4].

The first three sections of Book III shows the overall mechanism capital. Competition and centralization are the two moments of its movement. The process by which it is determined an average rate of profit, is also the one through which capital is organized as a social force, while in the center and eliminates the less productive. Marx speaks of a capitalist communism [5] . Match of the elementary cell of capitalism, the analysis is at its general rule. The dynamics is twofold. On the one hand, capital unifies both economically as socially, giving itself the means to face, at all levels, and its competitors is the proletariat. Second, this unity can only exist as a trend, syntheses to be redone. There are both concentration and dispersion.

policy also has two in the capitalist world. On the one hand, is capital itself more and more to ensure the unification of society. The programs are not that different variants of the same basic program. On the other hand, the ongoing financial difficulties of the capital revives political issues, organization and reorganization of the company - even in the U.S. [6]. Politics is not dead. Its integration in the capital, a consequence of capitalist contradictions, is not synonymous with death. It would be equally absurd to assert the primacy of politics "that deny his reality , seeing it as a simple ideology. Any theory that starts from politics is barren, and leads to a quest for power: instead of aiming for a change, even small, social relations, we want to organize others in the sight of some end. At this separation it accompanies another, internal to the individual itself, when it becomes militant. Are compared debates among leftists sexuality with this letter to Jenny Karl Marx:

"I I feel a new man, because I feel a great passion, and diversity in the study and the modern culture we hang up, and the skepticism with which we are led necessarily to criticize all the subjective and objective, are made to make us all children and weak and plaintive and unresolved. But love non per l’uomo di Feuerbach, non per il metabolismo di Moleschott, non per il proletariato, bensì l’amore per l’amata, per te, fa dell’uomo nuovamente un uomo» [7].

Il militante crede di elevarsi al di sopra delle costrizioni sociali mentre ne è vittima a un grado ben più elevato, rispetto al salariato ordinario. Infatti, il militante interiorizza la lacerazione e la spoliazione costitutive dell’uomo moderno. Il militante è il cittadino compiuto. L’uomo normale assume la propria separazione politica solo nel momento in cui partecipa «attivamente» alla politica (elezioni). Il militante ne fa una regola di vita.

«Nell’individuo si mostra cos’è la legge generale : la società civile e lo Stato sono separati. Dunque il cittadino nello Stato e il cittadino come semplice membro della società civile sono egualmente separati. Bisogna dunque ch’egli operi una rottura essenziale con se stesso […]. Il cittadino deve dismettere il suo stato, lo stato civile, lo stato privato, per acquistare significato e attività politici […]» [8].

However, identifying and political capital, you end up in a dead end. In fact, what is the capital? There is not and can not exist a universal capital. Who says the capital says the fight, who says the fight said periodic adjustment of the conditions of this struggle. You can not reduce the political capital: it can only develop policy analysis from the capital.

You can get an overview of capitalism developing the various meanings of the concept of representation . In the representation intended as entertainment, exchange, and even more capitalist exchange, gives life to individuals in the image processing. Even when it does, it changes again. In the sense given it by Marx at the beginning of Book I, goods and people work only in view of other work by the same: we work for what the work is, or the value. Finally, the mercantile society can live only by creating a structure for aggregation, can not exist as a whole, because the social relationships that comprise it threatens to explode. The total consists of economic relations (see Paper III) requires, because of the contradictions that animate it, a structure to keep it. This is evidence of a tear in the bosom of society, as well as the existence and relative therapeutic success of psychoanalysis attest to the internal laceration to the individual.

This is the meaning of Marx's critique of the Hegelian theory of law: whether the company needs an element representing that to be true, if not just to itself, can not be herself, this impairment test his deeply contradictory nature. The company creates the merchant its not all by itself but beyond itself. Not that politics is outside the company: the state is the society (in all senses of the word 'represent'), the symbolize. And common sense does not even imagine a society without a state, ditto for the politicians because it gives them a living. As he wrote in "Nouvelle France", a weekly central PCF , May 15, 1973: "Every State has done the hard work of men, their sacrifices, their struggles , of their achievements. " This poetic praise and should not be concerned forget the reality of the state. If the company creates the rule, not the reverse, it does not follow that the state is an illusion. The company, first and foremost the ruling class, asked him to solve real problems at all. The separation is in reality itself becomes the ultimate reality. The statolatria ridiculed by Amadeo Bordiga works as the fetishism of commodities. The state is seen as a thing, a being, not a relationship. This reversal follows the reversal that accompanies the exchange: you see a creation where there is a mediation, a subject where there is an object.

" the state is more powerful, more a country is, therefore, political etc. etc.. "[9].

The critique reveals not the omnipotence of revolutionary politics to accuse, but instead his weakness. He saw a powerless form, whose content is elsewhere, and who lives only for the difficulties of the company to self-preservation. But politics is not a hoax, it is not anything inconsistent. To the extent that it crystallizes in State , it becomes a social force, and considerable means of repression available to Member attest to its reality. But the inevitable tendency of the contemporary state to dominate the whole of life, it's just a response to the crisis of capital which occurred after 1914, both economically or socially.

policy is not just politicians. Politicians rely on the inherent tendency of contemporary man, the man of capital, to seek the truth and the solution of his condition in another place, beyond the social relations. It is not a historical coincidence that religion, philosophy and politics have been criticized by Marx simultaneously or, more precisely, in the same critical movement, in each of the three cases, we moved to another level: instead of transforming Actually, it displaces. The politicians only serve as mediators between social relationships and this other reality that is the regulation of contradictions. Constitute themselves as managers of the mediation. If the workers 'management is conservative because it does participate in the wage to their exploitation, the' self della politica da parte di tutti è un asservimento ben più profondo.

Note:

[1] Vedi il piano di Marx del 1857 , in Opere Complete .

[2] Karl Marx , Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 in Collected Works .

[3] Karl Marx , fundamental features of the Critique of Political Economy in Collected Works .

[4] Basil Davidson , African Civilization , Einaudi, Torino, 1972, p. 197.

between growth of trade and development policy and the rule does not give neither parallel nor evolutionary robotics. There is no universal model of linear development of society. In addition to the necessary distinction between commercial exchange and ritual or ceremonial exchange, there are companies in which the exchange is relatively blocked, and yet know a lot of development state: for example, in the Asiatic mode of production. What is true is that the policy becomes autonomous only if the value becomes autonomous, when the Mercantile Exchange extends.

[5] Karl Marx , Capital , Paper III. See also § 4, "The law of value 'in Jean Barrot , contribution to the critique of ideology ultra , Edizioni Jud, Caserta, 1973.

[6] This question was addressed in 1967 in the introduction to a booklet of Pouvoir Ouvrier: Imperialism bureaucrat et face aux Revolutions dans le tiers-monde . See also Paul Mattick , Marx and Keynes , De Donato, Bari, 1972.

[7] Karl Marx to Jenny Marx, June 21, 1856, in Complete Works.

[8] Karl Marx, C ritica del diritto statuale hegeliano , in Opere complete.

[9] Karl Marx, Glosse criticisms in the margins of the article 'The King of Prussia and Social Reform: Observations of a Prussian " in Collected Works.

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Situationist International. The questionnaire. The Italian wars of imperialism

'Internationale Situationniste, "No 9 August 1964 *

What does the word "situationist"?

defines an which means "to do" situations, not "recognize" as explanatory or otherwise. This at all levels of social practice, the individual history. We replace the existential construction liabilities of the moments of life, to doubt the assertion fun. Until now, philosophers and artists have done nothing but interpret situations, we must now turn. Since man is the product of situations through, it is important to the human situation. Since the individual is defined by its situation, wants the power to create situations worthy of his desire. In this perspective must merge and realize the poetry (as the realization of a communication language situation), the appropriation of nature, the full social liberation. Our time will replace the fixed border of extreme situations, that the phenomenology has been pleased to describe, with the creation of practical situations, this boundary will move permanently to the movement in the history of our creation. We want a phenomenological practice. We have no doubt at all that this will be the primary banality of the liberation movement of our time as possible. What is put in the situation? At different levels, it may be this planet, or the time (in the sense of a civilization Burckhardt, for example), or a moment of individual life. Get the party started! The values \u200b\u200bof the past culture, hopes to realize the reason in history, they have no other possible hereafter. Everything else is decomposed. The term situationist nell'accezione the Situationist International, is exactly the opposite of what is currently in Portuguese is called "situation", ie a defender of the existing situation, in that case of Salazar.

The Situationist International is a political movement?

The words "political movement" today define the specialized activities of the leaders of groups and parties, which draw from the passivity of their organized militant force of oppressive their future power. The Situationist International does not want to have nothing in common with the hierarchical power, in whatever form is raised. The Situationist International movement then is neither a politician nor a political sociology of mystification. The Situationist International aims to be the highest degree of revolutionary consciousness internationally. This is why attempts to clarify and coordinate the actions of rejection and signs of creativity that define the new contours of the proletariat, the indomitable will of emancipation. Hinged on the spontaneity of the masses, such activity is undeniably political, unless it be denied that status to the agitators themselves. In extent of the radical new trends appearing in Japan (the extremist wing of the movement Zengakuren), Congo, underground English, the Situationist International provides support to their "critical", and therefore endeavors to help them practically. But against all the "transitional program" policy specialist, the Situationist International relates to a permanent revolution of everyday life.

The Situationist International is an art movement?

A large part of the situationist critique dedicated to the consumer society is to show to what extent the contemporary artists, abandoning the richness of tolerance contained, if not exploited, in the period 1910-1925, the majority are condemned to make art as they do business. The artistic movements since then have not imagined that the effects of an explosion that never took place, which threatened and still threatens the structures of society. The awareness of such abandonment and its implications contradictory (the vacuum and the desire to return to the initial violence) is the only of the Situationist International movement that can, incorporating the survival of art in the art of living, responding to the project of 'real artist. We are artists not only because we are artists: we are building art.

The Situationist International is a manifestation of nihilism?

The Situationist International refused the role that everyone is ready to offer it, in the spectacle of decomposition. This goes beyond the nihilism for the decomposition of the show and that's why the Situationist International intends to strongly work. Everything is designed and built outside of such a prospect does not need to collapse of the Situationist International itself, but it is also true that wherever in the consumer society, the wastelands of the collapse spontaneously offer new values un campo di sperimentazione di cui l'Internazionale Situazionista non può non tener conto. Non possiamo costruire che sulle rovine dello spettacolo. D'altronde, la previsione, perfettamente fondata, di una distruzione totale obbliga a non costruire mai se non alla luce della totalità.

Le posizioni situazioniste sono utopiche?

La realtà supera l'utopia. Tra la ricchezza delle possibilità tecniche attuali e la povertà del loro uso da parte dei dirigenti di ogni tipo, non c'è più da lanciare un ponte immaginario. Noi vogliamo mettere l'attrezzatura materiale a disposizione della creatività di tutti, come wherever the masses are trying to do at the time of the revolution. It is a coordination problem, or tactics, as you will. Everything we deal is feasible, either immediately or at short notice, from the moment you begin to implement our methods of research activity.

judge must call it, "Situation"?

ordering exists, in which it takes the place of man, each label is compromising. However what we have chosen carries its own criticism, even brief, because that is opposed to the "Situationist" that others choose for us. On the other hand each of us will disappear when whole situation, and no more proletarian struggle to end the proletariat. In the immediate future, no matter how ridiculous is the label, has the merit of marking a break between the old inconsistency and a new requirement. What I missed most was the intelligence of a few tens of years was precisely this break.

What is the originality of the situations defined as a group?

It seems remarkable that three points justify the importance that we attach as an organized group of theorists and experimenters. First place, we do, for the first time, a new critical, consistent, the company that develops "at present", a revolutionary point of view, this criticism is deeply rooted in culture and art of this time, it holds keys (of course this work is quite far from being completed). Second, we practice the complete and final break with all those who force us to do so, and a break to "chain". This is valuable in a time when the various forms of resignation are subtly intertwined and supportive. Thirdly, we are inaugurating a new style of dealing with our "supporters" absolutely reject the disciples. We are interested only participation at the highest level, and to launch autonomous people in the world.

Why no mention of the Situationist International?

He speaks often enough, one of the owners specialize in liquefaction of modern thought, but he writes very little. In the broadest sense, it is because we reject the term "situation", which would be the only kind capable of reigning in the show introduces us, integrating the form of fossilized doctrine against ourselves, in the form of ideology in the sense of Marx. It is normal for the show that we reject, we waste. We talk more willingly dei situazionisti in quanto individui, per tentare di separarli dalla contestazione d'insieme, senza la quale, d'altra parte, non sarebbero neppure degli individui "interessanti". Si parla dei situazionisti "da quando smettono di esserlo" (le varietà rivali di "nashismo", in diversi paesi, hanno questa sola celebrità in comune, di rivendicare bugiardamente una qualsiasi relazione con l'Internazionale Situazionista). I cani da guardia dello spettacolo riprendono, senza dirlo, dei frammenti di teoria situazionista, per rivolgerla contro di noi. Se ne ispirano, com'è normale, nella loro lotta per la sopravvivenza dello spettacolo. È loro necessario quindi celare la fonte, vale a dire la coerenza di simili "idee". Non è only for the vanity of plagiarists. In addition, many intellectuals do not dare speak openly hesitant because of the Situationist talk implies a minimum position, to say clearly what it refuses, compared to what it takes. Many people believe, quite wrongly, that they feign ignorance while the latest release from their responsibilities.

What support given to the revolutionary movement?

Unfortunately there is none. The company, of course, contains contradictions and changes. What makes that in a world that is always new, possible and necessary revolutionary activity which currently does not exist anymore, or not yet, in the form of an organized movement. It is not to "support" for such a movement, but to do this: to define and, inseparably, to try it. To say that there is no revolutionary movement is the first act, which is essential for the benefit of such a movement. Everything else is ridiculous repainting of the past.

You are Marxists?

much as Marx when he said: "I am not a Marxist."

There is a relationship between your theory and your way of life?

Our theories are nothing if not the theory of our real life and you experienced or saw in it. As fragmented fields of activity are available, until further order, they do not behave better. We treat the enemy as an enemy, and is a first step we recommend to all as accelerated learning of thought. On the other hand, it goes without saying that we support unconditionally all forms of freedom of the costumes, all that bourgeois or bureaucratic called rogue debauchery. It is clearly possible that we prepare the revolution of everyday life with asceticism.

The Situationists are company at the forefront of entertainment?

The company's entertainment is an appearance that covers a certain type of production and consumption of space and social time. If the productive work time itself is reduced, the reserve army of industrial life will work in consumption. All are workers and subsequently starting material in the holidays, leisure, entertainment. The existing work is the alpha and omega of life exists. The organization of consumption over the organization of entertainment has to balance exactly the organization of work. The "leisure" is an ironic measure of the time during a prefab. Rigorosamente, "questo" lavoro non potrà dare che "questo" divertimento, sia per l'élite oziosa - di fatto, sempre più semi-oziosa - sia per le masse che accedono ai divertimenti momentanei. Nessuna barriera di piombo può isolare né un pezzo del tempo, né il tempo completo di un pezzo di società, dalla radioattività diffusa dal lavoro alienato; se non altro perché esso forgia la totalità dei prodotti e della vita sociale, "così" e non altrimenti.

Chi vi finanzia?

Siamo sempre stati finanziati, in maniera estremamente precaria, soltanto dal nostro proprio lavoro nell'economia cultural era. This use is subject to this contradiction: we have such creative skills that we can "succeed" in all, nearly without fail, so we have a strict requirement of independence and perfect consistency between our project and present each of our works (...) that are almost totally unacceptable to the organization's dominant culture, even in very minor issues. The state of our resources is descended from this component. In this regard, see what we have written our review of the number 8 on the "capital to companies that there will never nashiste" and, instead, on our terms.

How are you?

A little 'less of the initial core of the guerrilla in the Sierra Maestra, but with fewer weapons. A little 'less of the delegates who were in London in 1864 to found the International Workingmen's Association, but with a more coherent program. Equally determined the Greeks at Thermopylae ("Passer-by, go tell Lacedaemon ..."), but with a more bell'avvenire.

What value can be attributed to a questionnaire?

this? This is clearly a form of fictional dialogue, which now becomes obsessive with all psychic methods of integration the show (the liabilities assumed under a joyously crass travesty of "participation" by activities in disguise). But we can argue, from a search incoherent, reified, the exact positions. In fact, these positions are not "respond" because it does not refer to the questions: the questions refer. These are the answers that would "transform the questions." So true dialogue could begin after those answers. In this questionnaire, all questions are "false", and yet our answers are true.

[* Now Aa.Vv. (Edited by Isabella d'Este and Riccardo de Caria), Situationist International 1958-1969 , Nautilus, Torino, 1994 (raccolta completa dei dodici numeri della rivista); cfr. l'Introduzione: L'Internazionale sconosciuta di Mario Lippolis. Per una critica delle tesi situazioniste, cfr. Jean Barrot, Le Roman de nos origines: alle origini della critica radicale   (paragrafo 3) e Endnotes, Dal rifiuto del lavoro alla comunizzazione ]

Whats My Change Worth

Lotte proletarie e prospettiva internazionalista (1880-2006)

Wars Italian imperialism