Herpies Outbreaks Getting Worse

7 / 6

GABRIELLA S.

"Bravo, I loved it!

When I started reading, I then read in one breath!

wait for the next one!"

Bionicle Vezon And Kardas For Buy.uk

"Work makes you free": get rid of the paid work!

camps, concentration camps, gas chambers: the inexhaustible resources, extreme thirst for profit of the monster known as "capital"

[Taken from the blog Act to understand, understand to act . See, on the same subject: Auschwitz or the great alibi , Buchenwald is capitalism , Horror ]

"There is a significant difference between history and memory . The story leads to reflection and, according to rational paths, refer to this, the commemoration of a crystallization process that places its subject out of time. " (Georges Bensoussan, The legacy of Auschwitz, Einaudi, Torino, 2002 )

The soldiers of the Army of the First Ukrainian Front, commanded by Marshal Koniev, entered the death camp and discovered the "shame" of Auschwitz. According to investigations conducted immediately after the "discovery" of the camp, British experts, Americans and Russians, who work in partnership, with approximately four million people were killed in the crematoria of Auschwitz-Birkenau. Advanced

of Russian troops in Poland, in the direction of Germany, Hitler forced the leaders to evacuate dozens of prisoners from concentration camps to exterminate and destroy the plants, which according to best estimates were used in total for the genocide of approximately six million Jews in Europe.

The last transport of prisoners of both sexes to Auschwitz took place on foot. It was January 18. In the days before the liberation of the prisoners was - according to state a few survivors - a dramatic tension. In the field were mainly those who could not walk.

Almost immediately after the last transmission, the SS officers began to burn the warehouse setting fire to his clothes soaked in gasoline, ripped men killed in gas chambers. On January 20, the SS blew up the crematorium number 2 and 3, and the night between 25 and 26 also crematorium 5.

As has been able to get to so much horror?

In Europe dominated by Germany, durante la seconda guerra imperialistica mondiale (1939-45), ha preso corpo il terrificante “Nuovo Ordine” preannunciato da Hitler nelle pagine del “Mein Kampf”. Tale Nuovo Ordine , il cui presupposto ideologico è costituito dall'idea di una gerarchia razziale dei popoli da stabilire nel mondo, si basa, in sostanza, su uno sfruttamento brutale, a vantaggio del sistema capitalistico tedesco, di tutti i territori direttamente o indirettamente controllati dalla Germania, secondo criteri organizzativi diversi e a livelli diversi di intensità.

Un primo livello è quello dei popoli formalmente indipendenti ma considerati quali satelliti della Germania, perché la loro economia capitalistica è organizzata, dai loro regimi fascisti asserviti a quello nazista, per rispondere alle necessità dell'economia capitalistica tedesca. Si tratta dell'Italia (chiamata a fornire alla Germania sia quei beni industriali che essa non produce a sufficienza, sia alcuni prodotti agricoli), dell'Ungheria (fornitrice soprattutto di carbone, alluminio e farine), della Romania (fornitrice soprattutto di grano e petrolio), della Bulgaria (da cui i tedeschi prelevano piombo, zinco e semi oleosi), della Slovacchia (fornitrice di carni, latticini e pellami) e, nelle intenzioni di Hitler per il dopoguerra, anche della Spagna e del Portogallo .

Un secondo level is that of the people who, despite their fascist government, however, are under German military occupation. This is in Norway, Croatia, Holland and France, whose conditions are miserable because the presence of the German army means to pay all costs of employment and the growing influence of far right movements to local, Nazi inspiration and criminal behavior. A

third and lowest level is ultimately that of the so-called protectorate, administered directly by the Germans through their governors, without any local authority. This is the Bohemia-Moravia, Serbia, Wartegau (Poland) of Courland (which also includes Lithuania, Livonia, Estonia and White Russia) and Ukraine. All these areas are populated by Slavs , which according to Hitler's ideology, form, together with Jews and blacks , an inferior race and subhuman, which therefore would be legitimate, in this absurd view, use in conditions of slavery for the benefit of the German master race. And indeed, between 1941 and 1943 Hitler's regime began to put these ideas into practice, by killing whole families of landowners of the protectorates, through their land to settlers brought in from Germany, and the provision of these settlers, in return obligation imposed on them di inviare in Germania una parte dei prodotti agricoli delle loro nuove proprietà, squadre di schiavi slavi per ogni sorta di lavoro.

In condizioni di ancora più atroce schiavitù vengono posti i circa 3 milioni di prigionieri russi caduti in mano ai tedeschi nella campagna militare del 1941 ed i circa 9 milioni di ebrei rimasti nei territori controllati dalla Germania. Per costoro vengono creati nuovi lager oltre a quelli già esistenti in Germania da prima della guerra come Buchenwald e Dachau , tra cui i più grandi a Mathausen in Austria, a Flossenburg ed a Belsen in Boemia, ad Auschwitz and Treblinka in Poland, assigned to special units of the SS with the task of organizing the exploitation of energy work of inmates at the lowest cost (and then distributing them only rags for clothes and food waste as food only) and up to ' exhaustion (thus assigning them tasks exhausting and killing not just give a sign of being sick or too weak). The horror of these camps get to the point that there is even allowed the use of inmates as raw material. In fact, in Germany at that time soaps are made with human fat, combs and coat with human bones, bags, gloves and lampshades of human skin tanned. Other inmates are used as guinea pigs for experiments chimici, chirurgici e farmacologici.

Né si deve credere che si tratti dell'universo demoniaco delle sole SS e dei più degenerati dei capi nazisti. Al contrario, il capitalismo tedesco è beneficiario dell'orrore dei lager e vi è coinvolto fino in fondo. “ In previsione di ulteriori esperimenti con nuova droga chimica, vi saremo grati se ci poteste procurare 150 soggetti in buona salute “. “ Gli esperimenti sono stati eseguiti. Tutti i soggetti sono morti. Ci metteremo presto in contatto con voi per una nuova ordinazione “. Queste frasi agghiaccianti si trovano in lettere commerciali spedite nel 1943 dal gruppo tedesco Farben , massimo gruppo chimico del paese, administration of the Auschwitz concentration camp. Other industrial groups in Germany have behaved in the same way, and particularly numerous, then, were the industries, or for lack of workers (acute in Germany at the time, after millions of men were called to arms, and are not been replaced in part by foreign workers to emigrate to Germany made), or to make savings on wages, have entered into contracts to sell real internees, to be used as slaves for hard work and unskilled, with administration of the SS.

The system of Nazi concentration camps is revealed, therefore, a careful historical analysis, not as a product of a regression to barbarism un'ancestrale, but of a particular development, modern and inhumanly efficient of German capitalism, in order to overcome the imbalance between its revenues and costs, caused by scarcity of capital and high commodity prices, is at its periphery a system of non-capitalist social relations, and yet functional to capitalist profit (otherwise, if not greater efficiency dehumanizing, how did the first British capitalism with slavery of the Negro American plantations aimed at providing the raw material of the English textile industry).

ultimate view of the so-called New Order dreamed of by Hitler, after all, the whole Slavic Eastern Europe would have become una sorta di immenso lager che, fornendo alla Germania derrate alimentari gratuite, perché prodotte da schiavi, avrebbe aumentato il potere di acquisto dei salari tedeschi e consentito quindi al capitalismo industriale tedesco di accrescere i profitti riducendo ulteriormente i salari.

Ma i lager hanno anche un'altra funzione nel mondo hitleriano. Essi servono cioè come una sorta di laboratorii sociali in cui sperimentare nuove forme di dominio dell'uomo sull'uomo che possano risultare utili al sistema capitalistico per neutralizzare quanti esso rende marginali o considera ostili. Nei lager, infatti, non c'è disordine ma, al contrario, un ordine, per quanto perverso, formalistico e minuzioso. Gli internati sono suddivisi in categorie ordinate gerarchicamente e distinte da contrassegni visibili: più in basso di tutti, gli ebrei , segnati da un triangolo rosso; poi gli asociali (cioè zingari , omosessuali e lavoratori licenziati per infrazioni alla disciplina di fabbrica o di ufficio), segnati da un triangolo nero; poi i dissidenti religiosi (valdesi, testimoni di Geova, ecc.), segnati con un triangolo viola; e al vertice criminali comuni (per lo più i condannati dai tribunali per omicidio o violenza carnale), segnati con un triangolo verde. A questi ultimi viene affidato il compito di mantenere la disciplina quotidiana (implicante the killing of the weak and sick, sort of guinea pigs, etc..), they usually run with brutal efficiency and attentive, because at this price they have to save his life. What we seek the Nazis, in fact, is that every work produces lager, torture and death independently, with minimal intervention of the SS, doing work for its operation, or even life in return for the deferral of death, some of these inmates , according to their internal hierarchies that have been said, and turning off the other part of any spirit of revolt through precise destruction techniques also psychological.

In this way, the camp becomes the experimental prototype of a future social perimeter where they can be gradually wiped out, without fear of riots is not necessary to use large repressive forces of repression and consequent inevitable publicity, everyone, no matter how many they may be, who do not know how to accept their assigned places in society from capitalism (German) , Nazi wartime, but even if democratic in peacetime .

Woods Safe For Rabbits To Chew

MY EDITORIAL / 1

"Because I do and do not you?"

It's been about a month and a half from the novel and have been other than the feedback that readers, especially those who have spoken to me personally, I have highlighted. The thing that gave me the most satisfaction is was definitely one to watch and listen to people who have commented on different issues, reflecting the fact that "thirty and praise" is a book across, capable of teasing the thoughts of many on many issues. Honestly, this result for me was one of the greatest satisfaction.

Those who try to write and then have the chance to publish even knows that their thoughts, their dreams and ideas will be challenged by those who then decide to browse and read that text. I knew then what could be the consequences of my words or my thoughts, but even so I went ahead because I believe that freedom of thought sia un valore, anche se la nostra società vive costantemente in trincea, alla ricerca dell’abbattimento del nemico che non la pensa come noi. Il nostro è il paese dei Guelfi e dei Ghibellini, dei Berlusconiani e degli anti-Berlusconiani, oppure, per riprendere una metafora a me cara, per qualsiasi tema sembriamo tutti degli ultrà allo stadio: la ragione sta sempre dalla nostra parte e l’avversario contrapposto ha per definizione torto e deve essere a tutti i costi demonizzato.

Quando ho deciso di evidenziare alcune situazioni curiose ed ingiuste presenti nel mio mondo lavorativo (l’università), lo stesso che mi ha fatto crescere, che mi ha regalato una stabilità remunerativa e sociale, non lo ho fatto certo per ingratitudine o per un becero moralismo. Ho deciso invece di esprimere alcune considerazioni, giuste o sbagliate che siano, per mettere in discussione un sistema che ha ancora grandi margini di miglioramento.

Io credo infatti che “chi di morale ferisce poi di morale perisce” e io sono il primo infatti ad inserirmi nel lungo elenco dei dipendenti pubblici non privi di macchia, ma questo non vuol dire che non si possano manifestare le proprie idee su un mondo ovattato che ha come difetto più grande quello di NON ESSERE GOVERNATO E CONTROLLATO.

Il pianeta del pubblico impiego si basa su “migliaia di cavilli normativi” e allo stesso tempo di “zero controlli zero and punishments, "and its elements, namely, U.S. employees, we often sail this sea of \u200b\u200bcontradictions with ease, managing to get the maximum benefit of observing the often absurd prescriptions of the law.

But there is one thing that absolutely can not stand, and maybe it was just this spark that light the fire within me: the non-respect of others.

How often do we happen to be neatly lined up at the post office, bank or cash in a shopping mall and see a mischievous (I use that word because I would not censor) and with a lame excuse or even natural silence with indifference and skip the long wait is projected to the initiation of the tail. Or how many times has happened to us a phenomenon (as above) which, although coming after us, we care the only empty seat in the car going the wrong direction and anticipating the time, thus making the risk of missing the train or bus ... Then , finally found a space to park far away, run without breathing altered towards our goal and just comes in quell'instante genius last minute, which, parking space for the disabled at 50 meters from the railway station or bus stop, makes quite a view that uses the pass perhaps the parent or grandparent, and walks quietly combed and fresh to its destination.

I could go with an endless list, but the question I continually ask myself is this: "Why yes you and not me?"

The answers can be many: "I am as c + - + +-and "," We are children of a poor society "or" wrong men by nature "else" happens to everyone to try it, it happens to you too! Do not be shocked, "and why not" Opportunity makes the thief. " All answers true and unquestionable, but if we change the society in which we live we must start from the foundations that are represented by respect for others.

In a nutshell what I try to explain is that in a community of people (family, a group of friends, a condominium, a neighborhood, a city and why not, a work environment) is crucial in respect of rules mainly out of respect for others, to succeed in building a balanced ecosystem, without envy, resentment and injustice. So the question that each of us should ask is not "so that you and not me?" But "WHY ME AND YOU NO Yes?".

Each of us, in different contexts and situations, it may be holding powers or tools that can promote individually without causing harm to those who live within our own group or community. But because "Yes, and you do not I?". I believe that many of the problems of our society stem from their non-response to this question. From the head of a government to last the citizens, no one can give resolution to this question.

Alberto

Cubase 5 Usb Dongle Emulation Mac Osx

"The bad side"

Who we are, what we want, to whom we turn

"It's bad side to produce the movement that makes history, leading the fight."

(Karl Marx, The Poverty of Philosophy )

" The bad side is an aggregation of the casual and temporary basis to a small number of individuals, who met in Bologna in 2010, based on their experiences of struggle, more or less militant, matured in the milieu Autonomy and radical anarchism. What drove us to meet and interact, has been the need for theoretical reflection, product of practical experience passed on communism as a real movement which abolishes the present state of things.

In sharp break with the ideology of "post-modernist" dominant, we believe that the era of class struggle has not ended, and that, on the contrary, the society in which we live, that is capitalism, is still based on the exploitation of labor, on the extraction of surplus value, the existence of classes. We believe that today the only real prospect of change for the human species is the destruction of capitalism, the class struggle is the only possible dynamics of such destruction, and that the latter, because capitalism is a worldwide system, will also be global or not at all.

Far from believing that the proletariat and the bourgeoisie have disappeared, we believe, on the contrary, they are still the two main classes that structure the society as a whole. The proletariat has not ceased to be the subject of the historical revolution, as to the extent that makes it possible, through the work, the process of valorization of capital, for the same reason it can also destroy. The workers have not gone away, from a higher level of capitalist development is rather controsocietà working - that set of customs, places, myths and rituals that characterized the life (and reproduction material) of the workforce of the past - to become extinct. For this, much less than yesterday, the revolution may be today the extension of an existing counter, the affirmation of what the workers are in the capitalist society, conversely, it is the negation of everything that plays them as such: a process of self-negation of the proletariat and dissolution of all classes .

So do not conceive Communism as an emancipation of work, to be achieved through a class dictatorship (party or councils) and a transition more or less long, nor as a mere reappropriation and socialization of what already exists, from the phone to factory arbre magique-. The capitalist social relations are inscribed in the material incorporated in the technological tools we use at work and at leisure, encysted in the form of housing and urbanism, as well as in the knowledge and interpersonal relationships. These social relations, such individuals. Other social relations produce different individuals, with needs and desires that will obviously be not the same as today. Therefore, we think that the necessarily violent insurgency and the destruction of the State and all the repressive apparatus (police, prisons, etc..) Can not leave behind the old world, if postponed indefinitely the creation of different social relations, that is if shall place at the same time measures in place to really change your life. On the other hand, different social relations can not be created at any time and place, through a simple act of will, perhaps with the flight into micro-worlds alternative, and everywhere prevail and defeat the counterrevolution, the problem arises only when the class struggle spills over into a more general upheaval. Only la sinergia dei due aspetti, che chiamiamo comunizzazione , può spingere al salto verso l'ignoto sociale .

Per questo, riteniamo che il proletariato occupato sia non tanto la sorgente unica della trasformazione, quanto il suo centro d'attrazione. Il movimento comunista si inscrive in una dimensione che è allo stesso tempo classista e umana. Esso fa leva sul ruolo centrale degli operai proletari senza essere un operaismo, e anela a una comunità umana senza essere un umanismo. Non solo laddove si presenta una ripresa della lotta di classe, i proletari salariati non sempre sono i primi a muoversi, ma non sono nemmeno gli unici. But they are those who can, more than others, prohibit the reproduction of capital . The strength of a class movement can be estimated by its capacity is likely to apply to the workplace without so rinchiudervisi; or to grasp, articulate and almost overcome the contradiction between class size and the human.

not elaborate recipes for the inns of the future. Communism is not a way of producing "superior" to capitalism i n effects, is not even a mode of production e. The world, which will be beyond capitalism, it is not now clearly describable in any case, not through the categories we use to criticize capitalism. Today, we can only say it will destroy the economy, non-radical accounts of what is produced and what you enjoy, abolition of all social mediation between individuals (family, home, church, ethnic or political etc. ).

The Communist Party is for us that historical thread anonymous irreducible to any formalization, color, symbol, flag or "character" , which binds the past to the future, all communists of the world . We are nevertheless convinced that in ultimi due secoli di lotte di classe, raggruppamenti e singoli che non si definivano tali, abbiano difeso la prospettiva comunista assai meglio di tanti altri somari; e che gli individui si giudicano da ciò che sono, cioè da ciò che fanno , e non da ciò che credono di essere.

Non ci prefiggiamo come scopo quello di “organizzare” i proletari. Pensiamo, piuttosto, che qualsiasi organizzazione permanente che si definisca rivoluzionaria, sia essa preesistente o posteriore alle lotte, vada necessariamente incontro al proprio fallimento. La rivoluzione non è più quella. L'autorganizzazione è il suo primo time. But this has ceased to be the re-founding principle of any company, not is the foreshadowing of the future community, the negation of the proletariat can not be exceeded.

Nor is it our intention to "educate" anyone: consciousness, for us, is not identified with a corpus defined and "inoculation" given once and for all, but is a product of the struggles and behavior class that is born, change, grow and set with them. Our own theoretical work, conflicting and complementary to other forms, all equally imbarcate nella medesima fase di lotta e nei suoi limiti, non è che un momento assai parziale e marginale di questa coscienza in gestazione, la quale si trova ancora disarmata di fronte a numerose questioni. Gli uomini (e noi con essi) entrano in rapporto fra loro in condizioni che non scelgono; vogliono prima di sapere perché vogliono e agiscono prima di sapere perché agiscono. La teoria comunista sa che la coscienza è quel qualcosa di cui il mondo deve appropriarsi. Dicendo questo, essa pone il problema; ma non lo può risolvere d'anticipo, poiché sa anche che la soluzione risiede nell' auto-attività e nell' auto-riflessione dei proletari, giammai nella delega a pretesi specialisti the revolution, "theoretical" or "practical" to be. Not that we justify what the anti-theoretical, which characterized, in our view, an attitude self-defeatist .

We think that communism is not a historical necessity, but a possibility , no less present today than yesterday, and will remain so until the labor, capital and classes exist. The theory of communism do not mean to prove "scientifically" the objective need for a revolution inscribed in the laws of the capitalist economy; much less prove his subjective need (more or less ethical or moral) for propaganda purposes, making an inventory of all the disasters caused by the current social order. It means, instead, ask questions and show the conditions under which the revolution is can say. Nevertheless, it is itself praxis, the active element in the class struggle.

The question of the social crisis is . So we are interested in more of the economic analysis as such, changes in class relations, the set of forces.

not adhere to any "tradition" of the revolutionary movement in particular, pursue, instead, an acquisition of all the critical theoretical and practical experiences of anti-capitalist struggles of the past and present, on a synthesis possible necessarily always be done, and be redone. Distrust of both the accessions to the doctrines uncritical, pre-packaged as' free thinking 'and' mental self-management. " Communist theory passes these opposites, to show their solidarity substantial, and not to abdicate before the need for consistency and rigor.

No minimum premium proselytizing. However, what interests us is to come into contact with individuals or groups that already share most of the guidelines are expressed in order to identify and follow paths that are still to be traced.

For the rest, we participate and we contribute to the struggles of today, where there are, what they are, without spawning activism and avant-garde.

Bologna, January 2011

How Much Is Haircut At Penneys

The NEP's "Working Class"

For a critique operaismo Tronto-negro

Raffaele Sbarra (1980)

[ This essay was originally published in the journal " Class", n. 17 June 1980 and was later on ribubblicato n.8 of "Vis-a-Vis - Papers for the class independence" , 2000. On the same theme, see also Claudio Albertani, Empire and its pitfalls. The baffling parable operaismo Italian : Part I and Part II ]

The left has never seriously considered arrays trontismo and philosophical ideology of those comrades who, after the break with the "Quaderni Rossi , gathered around the magazine" Working Class ": This is a fact. This, of course, a mistake, because the ideology operaista these comrades in the movement has spread readings mystifying realities of political behavior and never fully adapted to the actual levels delle lotte. Non abbiamo mai preso seriamente e criticamente in considerazione la natura idealistica, o meglio gentiliana, del pensiero di Tronti; non abbiamo sottolineato in modo sufficientemente chiaro la negatività di quella assolutizzazione dell’idea di Soggettività che ha introdotto e seguita a introdurre nel movimento reale guasti considerevoli [ Nota : Una cosa però va detta con chiarezza: che di fronte all’oggettivismo passivizzante della tradizione ideologica terzointernazionalista e togliattiana, questi compagni, anche se nella forma idealizzata, posero con forza il problema del primato della soggettività collettiva e dei rapporti di produzione, mostrando la possibilità di un altro ascolto della realtà social (the new class composition, the mass-worker, the ratio of manufacturing companies, the new features of capitalist development, the politics of wage struggles, the fight against the "work", the need for communication etc.).. ]. The same break with Panzieri, can be fully explained only if we consider the nature of the thought of idealistic actualistic Tronti. On the other hand the coherence and continuity of thought to this author, no contradiction between the theory of "rude pagan race" and that the "autonomy of politics", can emerge in all their size, only if the analysis able to cover this critically theoretical way. Continuity and consistency which, in turn, makes comprehensible the same story of "the working class ": exit before, the Genovese group, breaking, later, the band's demise, those closest comrades at positions Toni Negri. In this way can be explained with sufficient clarity, rejection, within the same idealistic conception of the working class of mediations that Tronti in order to master the new realities of the "ebb" and give a subjective value to what subject was not, as was the introduction in his political discourse.

Many comrades are still convinced that the thesis contained in workers and capitalists are scientifically valid and truly revolutionary, and in opposition to this, not without embarrassment, to the current positions of Tronto. We, on the contrary, we think that if you really want to build a party completely down into the current class composition - a party-tool I have taken over the critique of politics, the new behaviors and needs collective subjects - and, theoretically, you should seriously deal with the ideology of the work of " working class."

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Where Can I Buy Ezio's Hidden Blade

interview USTATION.IT

Click on the title below to read or listen to the interview


"Thirty and praise" University Campus of Forlì to life in a novel

Insurance For Window Fitters

strike of 28 January: announcement a farce? Some workers

metalworkers' strike of January 28 following several months the only strike (a well- 4 hours!) held so far by the FIOM-CGIL against the notorious "Marchionne plan." The strike of 28, in addition to being launched almost 20 days in advance (and thereby enabling businesses to recover pre-production lost), does not require stakes or "hard" to the gates of the factories, or detention of goods. If they are not workers to take the initiative themselves, bypassing the union bureaucracies, the so-called mobilization will be resolved in yet another farce (and a day of lost wages).

Meanwhile everyone's attention, aided by the media bombardment, focuses on the outcome of the referendum of Mirafiori (yes / no, legitimacy / legality not) as if by a consultation of this kind, whatever the final outcome of the vote, could emerge something different from the trivial penalty of balance of power. Power of the democratic mystification!

FB


Other texts pubblicati sull'argomento:

Alcuni documenti sulla Fiat di Pomigliano (2008-2010)

Lettera su Pomigliano

Il sindacalismo di base in Italia

Fiat 1980. Tecnica di una sconfitta

How To Press The Boops

thesis on the imperialist war and communism

A proposito di «rivoluzione informatica» e «lavoro mentale»



di Raffaele Sbardella (1986)

[ Tratto da AA.VV (a cura di Marco Melotti), Macchine e utopia , Dedalo, Bari, 1986. Si veda anche, dello stesso autore, Astrazione e capitalismo. Note su Marx ; e, di Roberto Finelli, Classi, fantasmi e postmodernità. Istruzioni per l'uso ]

Nel macchinario informatico il lavoro oggettivato, il lavoro morto, si contrappone materialmente al lavoro vivo come il potere che lo domina capillarmente, in modo invisibile e quasi senza residui; si contrappone ad un lavoro vivo scisso oramai del tutto da ogni abilità manuale e da ogni concretezza, ad un lavoro vivo residuale che, in quanto esclusivamente mentale , vive, di fronte all’immane potenza del lavoro morto e alle infinite abilità del macchinario, tutta la sua insignificanza e subordinazione, l’estrema astrattezza della sua funzione, il suo essere, in quanto attività lavorativa, costantemente dominato e controllato dall’occhio immateriale del sistema. [...]

Mentre nel lavoro artigiano il rapporto dell’uomo con l’oggetto del suo lavoro è mediato semplicemente dall’utensile, o meglio, se si considera quest'ultimo come un prolungamento specializzato della sua mano, è un rapporto diretto in cui le finalità coscienti sono possedute integralmente da chi lavora, ed è praticamente assente ogni forma di cooperazione; nelle prime forme di produzione capitalistica, quella manifatturiera, the relationship with the object of the work begins to be mediated by the first machine tools, and work to be split into many partial phases: the first forms of cooperation appear working under the roof of the same establishment. Already at this stage, the work loses its characteristic intentional, the end is separated and alienated. The cooperation between the workers and each is directed and tied another by an internal report and immediate. The relationship with big industry changes radically: in this case is the worker that the average ratio of the machine with the object of work, is entirely within this report, Appendix living (and conscious as many believe) an automatic machine rigidly connected and driven by a central driving force: here the work shows a greater degree of abstraction, it is totally unintentional (the worker is only as living human being who needs this system of machines), and cooperation of workers between them is mediated by the machine, its rhythms and its needs. Only with the new "organization of work ', characteristic of the computerized production process, the worker is expelled from the report: machine and object labor are no longer mediated the relationship is direct and exclusive, and are now the machines to cooperate between them, the worker returns to work only to ' interno di questo rapporto specifico tra macchine. La cooperazione delle macchine tra loro è ora mediata dal lavoro intenzionale degli operai. Infatti – come già abbiamo visto – solo le capacità intenzionali del nuovo lavoro operaio possono vagliare e togliere gli infiniti imprevisti, mettere in relazione le macchine tra loro, gli insiemi di macchine, i settori, le fabbriche disseminate sul territorio: in tutti gli infiniti punti di mediazione (poiché si riprodurranno all'infinito), quando le parti del sistema incontrano la morta cosa della loro origine e non riescono più a comunicare tra loro, il sistema nel suo complesso ha bisogno di ciò che non is programmable and that can not be embedded in his memoirs peripheral or central, have to use force working-intention, that is to have a work that only knows intervene with appropriate choices and decisions finalistically transforming the raw material information and making it possible to cooperation between machines.

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ROMAGNAOGGI

From the site on-line information RomagnaOggi of January 10, 2011:

Books, "Thirty and praise": a look to the future University folivese


http://www.romagnaoggi.it/forli/2011/1/10/182354/

How Much Calories Are In Hallal Food

opposes the proletariat ...

... the firm will achieve its objective historical

"Prometheus" No 1 November 1943 *

Our street

The crisis erupted lightning on the political scene after twenty years of Italian fascist regime, has highlighted the seriousness of the social malaise that now fully invested in not only the responsibility of this man or politician, this or that body, but the whole system in its leadership, its institutions and its economic and political structure. It was visible to the eye that is less experienced in the analysis of social phenomena, that the capitalist framework was shot to death, while its political forces were running out ignominiosamente in una spassosissima sequela di tradimenti, di viltà e corruzione.

Il proletariato sentiva finalmente ruinare attorno a sé l'impalcatura oppressiva dell'organizzazione borghese e vedeva, forse per la prima volta, spezzati i suoi centri nervosi quali l'esercito, la magistratura e la pubblica sicurezza! Sembrava la fine non solo del fascismo, ma del sistema economico che l'aveva reso possibile, eppure non si trattava che del primo atto di un dramma sociale nel quale il proletariato avrebbe infine potuto giocare il ruolo di grande protagonista vittorioso. Abbiamo detto sembrava, perché lo sfacelo abbattutosi sul nostro paese, pur mostrando in atto quel processo di decomposizione and cleavage, provided the first and essential to the resumption of class conflict, however not express, nor could he express the political, the revolutionary force capable of exploiting their own ends an obvious and yet so rare situation please. And he could not express it, not because the crisis was much deeper and the situation is not sufficiently revolutionary, or why did default on its subjective element, namely the working class with his physical strength and his intelligence and willingness to fight, but only because the balance of power were still objectively in favor of the opponent's net class.

did not want to understand that English in the likeness of the episode, the first phase of this clash of imperialism, our country has suddenly found to be the testing ground, the arena in the second act the same tragic huge competition. He was so vain illusion to think the elimination of fascism with a palace, standing in our house and the German giant.

Each recovery class, every struggle for freedom and emancipation of the proletariat had necessarily to take account of this harsh reality, which will include a flag with the German armed forces and other fascist armed forces allied with Democratic flag. F inzione in both cases, simple espediente tattico, necessario ai dominatori capitalisti per neutralizzare e conquistare masse sempre più vaste di proletari. La guerra moderna ha bisogno di braccia e coscienze come di carbone e di ferro.

Una condotta classista della lotta avrebbe dovuto condurre i partiti proletari, dopo una analisi approfondita della reale natura del presente conflitto, a porre sul piano ideologico e quindi politico la definizione di entrambi i belligeranti come facce diverse di una stessa realtà borghese, da combattere entrambi perché intimamente legati, ad onta delle apparenze, alla stessa ferrea legge della conservazione del privilegio capitalista e quindi lotta a fondo, mortale, contro il vero, comune nemico: the proletariat.

But what happened? Completely the opposite. The moment was most evident that it is impossible for our local bourgeoisie to continue his war, and was controlled at the highest levels to prevent the crisis pushed open in the foreground, the proletariat, that's providential blocking of anti-fascist parties as decisive factor , three quarters of conscious avoidance maneuver and drugging. The proponents of internationalism become heralds of National Defence (but only against the Germans!), Representatives of the class struggle willing to consider British imperialism as a ally of the provisional of the proletariat. Just as Socialists '14 Lenin branded as traitors. The masses have astonished and dismayed at the bait of the anti-German crusade part in obeying the voice atavistic hatred against the German oppressor, sediment formed distant and unconscious in the mind of many Italians, however, and that revolutionaries must be able to identify and win, because it is on it that all the reactions have to date driver for their wars of plunder and destruction.

We alone have dared to go against the tide. Our party, already at the time of the English Civil War, had analyzed that motion starting from premises of class, not to be swayed by sentiment and that false "atavism" rebel at the limit of Marxist thought, which leads to enhance the action of bending opportunism ideas and the theory of revolution. Only then our party recognized the English character of the motion, however, intended to run out if a revolutionary party was not given time by the crisis itself, and dared to say that rudeness the Republican attempt to channel the fighters emerged from the barricades in file of an army as opposed to the Republican National Franco, meant to undermine the movement, ie move the axis of the armed conflict since its original soil class than imperialism , on which they had already più o meno apertamente schierate le forze fasciste da un lato, e quelle anglo-franco-russe dall'altro. E il partito vide giusto, allora, perché la sua critica e il conseguente suo atteggiamento si facevano forti e si facevano garantiti dalla giusta interpretazione del pensiero marxista.

Ma non a caso abbiamo accennato all'analogia tra la situazione odierna del nostro paese e quella spagnola.

Riteniamo infatti che lo sfacelo borghese del nostro paese, determinato dall'andamento della guerra, non offra seria possibilità alla lotta finale del proletariato finché rimarranno sul nostro suolo truppe di occupazione, qualunque esse siano , per le quali una eventuale revolutionary solution to the crisis, these forces control, would mean abandoning the strategic and economic exploitation of the country.

We on the other hand, our urgent task release the masses from ideological influences and sentimental toward this or that belligerent , which implies open struggle against the traditional socialist and centrist parties [PCI] , that the ferment German anti-fascist and had no reason to imperialist collaboration and betrayal of the proletariat.

Even now we are just rude and difficult to fight the battle of class and, true to the tradition of intransigence and ideal movement Marxist internationalism, we prepare ourselves very close to the struggles getting ready bodies and spirits for the triumph of the proletariat, the revolutionary left ... national defense, the task far easier to wait by the British victory over Germany and fascism, and the much coveted reward of a popular government.

* Body of the Internationalist Communist Party (1943-52)

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The annihilation of the Spanish proletariat

" Bilan, No. 12, October 1934 *

Esistono due criteri per la comprensione degli avvenimenti: due opposte piattaforme sulle quali si effettua la concentrazione della classe operaia . Solo così potremo analizzare le ultime ecatombi nelle quali sono periti migliaia di proletari della Penisola Iberica, fucilati, mitragliati, bombardati dalla "Repubblica dei lavoratori spagnoli". O la Repubblica, le libertà democratiche, non sono che un potente diversivo sollevato dal nemico quando gli è impossibile impiegare la violenza e il terrore per annientare il proletariato. O la Repubblica e le libertà democratiche rappresentano un male minore e perfino una condizione favorevole alla marcia vittoriosa del proletariato, che have a duty to support them to facilitate his attack further seek to unlock the chains of capitalism.

The terrible carnage of recent days in Spain should exclude the small combine the "strength", according to which the Republic is indeed a "worker wins" to defend, but under "certain conditions" and, above all, in the "measure" that is not what is the condition that "becomes" what can not become, and, finally, "if" far from the meaning and objectives which is about to become the organ of the domain of the working class.

This little game becomes too difficult with regard to the circumstances which have preceded the civil war in Spain, where capitalism has given the measure of its strength against the proletariat. In fact, since its founding in April of 1931 until December 1931, the "march to the left" of the English Republic, the formation of the government-Lerroux Azana-Caballero, the amputation of his right wing, represented by Lerroux in December 1931, does not result in any event of conditions conducive to the advancement of the positions of the proletariat or the formation of bodies capable of directing the revolutionary struggle. And this is not just to see what he should do what the government Republican and Radical-Socialist's Health ... communist revolution, but it is about whether this conversion to the left or the far left of capitalism, this concert was unanimous by the Socialists to the union to defend the republic, created, yes or no, the conditions for the development of workers' achievements and the march of the revolutionary proletariat. Or even better, if this conversion left was not dictated by the need for capitalism, to intoxicate the workers shaken by a profound revolutionary fervor, why not switch to the revolutionary struggle , because the way that the bourgeoisie was taken in October 1934 was too risky nel 1931 e gli operai, in quel periodo, avrebbero potuto vincere in un momento in cui il capitalismo non era nella possibilità di reclutare gli eserciti della repressione feroce.

D'altra parte, il separatismo catalano o basco , che era stato considerato come una breccia aperta nell'apparato di dominio del nemico, breccia che bisognava allargare fino alle sue conseguenze più estreme per fare in seguito progredire il corso della rivoluzione proletaria, non aveva forse dato la misura della sua forza erigendo una Repubblica Catalana... per qualche ora (Repubblica che sparì dolorosamente sotto i colpi dello stesso generale Batlet che Companys invitava alla difesa della Catalogna che proclamava its independence)? And, in Asturias, the armed forces, police, aviation have not thrown for weeks against the miners and workers without any guidance in their heroic struggle? The Basque separatists, who with his protests of recent months did not announce that the storm was approaching, leave and destroy the struggles of Asturias, in addition, the battalions of terror will be directed by a separatist government that tomorrow will no doubt , a new oath of allegiance to the Republic and the regional autonomy.

From 1930 to 1934 a consistency of steel down the logic of events. In 1930 Berenguer was called by King Alfonso XIII che spera di poter ripetere la manovra del 1923, quando giunse a contenere nel quadro della legalità monarchica le conseguenze del disastro marocchino. Nel 1923, Primo de Rivera sostituisce Berenguer, considerato come il responsabile del disastro in Marocco, e questa modifica governativa permette di allontanare l'attacco delle masse che, evidentemente, dovevano fare le spese dell'operazione governativa che si concludeva con sette anni di dittatura clerico-agraria. Ma, nel 1930, la situazione economica era profondamente sconvolta dall'apparizione della crisi e non era più sufficiente far ricorso a delle semplici manovre governative. Nel febbraio 1931 le condizioni erano già mature per dei movimenti proletari ed esisteva la minaccia di un sciopero railway workers: you must then make use of big plays and shots are offered to the masses of the heads of the king and Berenguer. War and the intervention of the monarchy in agreement with the Republican Zamora is organized before the departure of the king of the workers from the factories.

The movement toward the enlargement of the left continues to the end of 1931 and is the only way that you put the masses in the face of extreme difficulties in forging the body of victory: his class party. As it was not possible to eliminate the conflicts of class, capitalism could not put these conflicts in such conditions that they could not only lead to confusion without output. And the Republic is to this end. In early 1932, the leftist government made its first test and go to the violent attack on the general strike proclaimed by the trade union. At this time the concentration of capital is around his left wing and reactionary Maura plebiscite will make the government Azana-Caballero for the Republican Cortes. The momentum of the masses, produced by economic circumstances, was broken, having lost in the paths of the Republic and democracy, the reactionary violence of the radical-socialist government.

This results in a conversion of the bourgeoisie opposed to his right wing : In August of 1932 we will have the first skirmish of Sanjurjo for the concentration of the forces of right. A few months later, in December 1933 and the massacre of workers in the new strike by the union decided, when the elections give the opportunity to move to the right orientation of the English Republic. Consequently, the October 1934 marks the battle front to destroy all forces and organizations of the English proletariat . And how sad and cruel epilogue of footsteps followed by trade unionists, we will come, in the presence of such a massacre, all ' abstaining Anarchist Confederation of Labour [CNT] who believes that he can not mix in political movements ...

Left-right; republic-monarchy support for the left and right and to the republic against the monarchy for the proletarian revolution, here are the dilemmas and positions that have defended the different currents at work within the working class. But the dilemma was different and consisted in the opposition: capitalist-proletariat, dictatorship of the bourgeoisie for the annihilation of the proletariat or the dictatorship of the proletariat for the erection of a bastion of world revolution and ultimate elimination of states and classes .

Although the English economy has benefited from the advantages acquired during the war to its position of neutrality, the structure of this capitalism offered a weak resistance to economic shocks. An industry is too small compared to an agrarian economy too large and still dominated by forces and non-industrialized forms of production. These fundamentals explain why industrial regions are the scene of separatist movements in land-locked and have to buy a reactionary sense, the fact that the ruling class is capitalism, which extends throughout the brand of banking organizations where they are concentrated - around big tycoons - the product of the proletarians of the capital gains and capital gains of the peasants. Such an economic basis without a glimpse of the prospect which opens to the English working class, which is in similar terms as understood by the Russian workers: in front of a class that can not establish that his dominion with a dictatorship of iron and blood, can not beat this domain ferocious with the triumph of his revolution.

And the English tragedy, like that of Austria, will take place in disregard of the world proletariat immobilized from the counter of the centrists and Socialists. A simple offer from the JV, which will be rejected by the International Social Democrat on the pretext that the favorable moment has already passed. As if, after the victory of Hitler, when the time was favorable, but this time, past, had not addressed the International Social Democratic proposals for joint action JV! But the rot and corruption of bodies still dare to proclaim that these workers are, on the cemeteries of the proletariat, the traitors of yesterday and tomorrow will only sketch a maneuver that would enable them to continue the work of treason, until the day which workers can not manage to wipe out the class that oppresses them, all the forces that betrayed them. The thousands of English workers did not die in vain, because the blood of which is wet the English Republic, germinate the struggle for the communist revolution, breaking down all the distractions that the enemy will not cease to oppose the march of liberating the working class.

* "Bilan", organ of the Italian Fraction of the ICL. See [Philippe Bourrinet ] The Italian Communist Left. 1927-1952 , CCI , 1984.

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Life of fractions of the ICL

" Octobre", n. 1 February 1938 *

The Italian Fraction

The Italian Fraction of the Conference was formed officially Pantin, in 1928, when the Communist International came after many exclusion of international communities in all countries, the decisions of the Sixth Congress which sanctioned the incompatibility of membership in the Comintern and the defense of revolutionary positions. In fact, the Italian Fraction could build up during the civil war, which is of very harsh forms in Italy, and di una lotta assai forte contro il centrismo. Verso la fine della Prima Guerra mondiale , in seno al Partito Socialista Italiano diretto dagli opportunisti del famoso "né aderire, né sabotare la guerra" (che andarono a Zimmerwald), apparve la corrente degli "astensionisti" con a capo Bordiga e la Federazione di Napoli, che pubblicava "Il Soviet" .

Nella forma dell’astensionismo parlamentare faceva la sua apparizione la prima frazione marxista solidale con la Rivoluzione russa, non a parole, ma con l’elaborazione di posizioni comuniste, che ne dovevano fare la capofila della scissione con i traditori e l’artefice principale della founding of the Communist Party of Italy. We know that Lenin, in ' Extremism, childhood disease of communism, made a great disservice to the Italian Communists, judging on the basis of fragmentary and incomplete information, only for their abstention parliamentary and crediting the opportunists of the 'New Order' of Turin. The turnout, which was an aspect of differentiation between communists and socialists associated with the capitalist state, was not then a matter of principle , but a similar position to that defense by the Bolsheviks in 1906, at the time of the boycott Duma, shortly after the assault of the revolutionary Russian workers. Moreover, in 1924, the Fascist era of the rise, the Left urged the electoral participation of Bordiga.

In January 1921 in Livorno, the fraction holding back, just by the Socialist Party's breakaway direct da Serra, founded the Communist Party of Italy . The Italian situation was already affected by the betrayal of the socialist, who had dismissed the giant factory occupation movement, and the outbreak of the bloody attack fascism, coupled with the repression of the capitalist state. Socialists and capitalists disarmed the Italian workers, while fascist state forces and passed the physical elimination and destruction of workers' organizations.

A year later, at the Second Congress, the Communist Party - where had gathered the best energies of the Italian proletariat - adopted the "thesis of Rome" , which summarizes the principles of the first class party of Italian workers . The organic nature of the party, its relationship with the class and other organizations, his tactics during the wars and revolutions are delivered in this thesis that the centrism seems to accept, in 1923, in Italy, to reject them as soon as he could get away with it with the help of the International Communist. This thesis, which continues the historical journey of Lenin from 1903 to 1917, met the opposition of the International. The latter, however, until the death of Lenin, not ever openly rejected, although Spartakists oblige the Germans to follow the opposite line, forcing them to merge with the Independent Socialists.

Al III and IV Congress of the Comintern, the Italian party, led by the Left, opposed to the directives which led to German defeat in 1923 and had yet received the support of Lenin and, in particular, Trotsky. was at the express request of Lenin and the Left gave up Bordiga resign the party leadership, although majority in Congress, since for the Marxists it was not possible to solve the problems of the revolution in a country as minority worldwide.

the V Congress, held after the defeat of '23, the Left rejected the bargaining propostole by Zinoviev, who gave the party leadership campaign in exchange for the support of the anti-Trotskyists in Russia. On many issues, it was at odds with Trotsky, who, however, represented at least a reaction to international centrism, and that was sufficient to impose a total solidarity. The Left, which are still major in the party, so he resigned from all positions , and began the ideological struggle, with the formation of a current , would have led to the birth of the Left Fraction. In 1926, the Marxist who, with Bordiga, was opposed, in Italy, the adventures of centrism (eg., Aventine secession in 1924) and, internationally, the fight against "socialism in one one country ", the" Bolshevization ", the Anglo-Russian Committee, drew up a paper that was presented to the [III] Congress of the Communist Party of Italy [Lyon, 1926, ed ]. Questo documento è conosciuto come "Piattaforma della Sinistra".

Le "Tesi di Roma" (ripudiate dai centristi) e la "Piattaforma" furono i documenti di base per la formazione, a Pantin, della Frazione Italiana ; il suo organo in lingua italiana era "Prometeo" (tutt’ora esistente).

Quando, nel 1930, si costituì l’ Opposizione Internazionale di Sinistra , diretta da Trockij esiliato in Turchia, la Frazione Italiana vi partecipò rivendicando i propri documenti fondativi. Trockij salutò la "Piattaforma" del 1926 come uno dei migliori documenti dell’opposizione, which would not have prevented to wage a struggle maneuvers and intrigues for the Village to bend its policy.

Since January 1932, the deep crisis of the international left had sharpened the differences between the Village and Trotsky, who used bureaucratic methods to form groups and divide, dissolving and displacing the international leadership, attacking the village who refused to participate in this game, which prevented the establishment of common institutions in different countries. The opposition between fidelity to "the first four Congresses of the Communist International" - I believe the trockijsmo - Marxist analysis of events of the war - which saw the international triumph of centrism - found its expression not only in ' opposition between the policy of "rectification of the parties" and the establishment of villages in the party agents and only channel of Marxist thought, but also in ' opposition between "democratic slogans" - that would be the champion of Trotsky's imperialist war in Spain and China - and classist thesis, for which the proletariat and its positions are the only passwords appropriate to the situation after the war.

the end of 1932, the eve of Hitler's accession to power, the separation took place on the basis of a proposal to exclude the County, made by Trotsky (Gourov) in parallel, could see a chance of winning in Germany, with Thällman.

In 1935, after the open betrayal of centrism - which followed the final death of the Communist International and the entry of Russia into the League of Nations - the Italian hamlet was transformed and, by factions of the party Italian Communist, became the fraction of the new revolutionary party that the eruptions would have allowed to form [ Italian Fraction of the International Communist Left , ed ] . This happened at a time when the Italian imperialism unleashed the war in Abyssinia, and the Congress focused on the problems of transformation of the fraction in part, that the betrayal of centrism and the opening phase of imperialist wars imperiously posed. It was stated that a current wanted to replace the actual process of class struggle - fertilizing the conditions necessary for the formation of the party - a generator of voluntarism and opportunism of the Communist review of the program. The main leaders of this current were to be the minority in the course of events in Spain have supported the imperialist war , passing on the other side of the fence.

At the end of 1932, the Italian Fraction decided to work together with the Communists Internationalistes Ligue des de Belgique, based on a critical convergence in the positions of the international (Trotskyists), containing the central issues of critical labor movement: the State and the Party.

The events in Spain were to lead to a crisis within the hamlet and its relationship with LBJ, in which appeared the other hand, a Marxist confluent con quella maggioritaria nella Frazione. L’esclusione dalla Frazione Italiana della minoranza che sfuggiva alla discussione, avrebbe poi preceduto la rottura con la Ligue ove si sarebbe verificata una scissione (vedi la risoluzione della C. E., "Bilan", n. 42). Nel novembre 1933, parallelamente alla collaborazione con la Ligue belga, la Frazione iniziò a pubblicare una rivista teorica, al fine d’intraprendere un lavoro di chiarificazione internazionale che doveva spingere i gruppi di avanguardia che avevano rotto con Trockij a seguire il cammino della formazione di frazioni di sinistra. [Tale rivista era "Bilan" - nota di Jean Barrot ]

A quell’epoca tutti i tentativi fraction of the order to build up a Bureau International clashed with passivity and confusion of the existing groups, including only the Ligue seemed willing to countenance a serious international discussion.

With the war in Spain, all the differences with the League and other groups resulted in a split that marked the fall of these "left communists" in the swamp of capitalist ideology. opened a new phase, that of the formation of left fractions against all existing groups on the basis of programmatic notions on the State party and proclaimed by the County, along with the minority of the Belgian League. This effort received its consecration with the formation of the Bureau of fractions Left and the transformation of "Bilan" in "Octobre" .

Currently, the Village Italian public "Prometheus" and "The Seed" , body of discussion, in Italian, which serves as a theoretical tool for the Congress of the fraction. In a forthcoming report we will discuss the differences that exist today in the County, discussed the problems and find their expression in "Prometheus" and "The Seed".

The Hamlet Belgian

February 21 193 7, the National Conference della Ligue des Communistes Internationaliste s de Belgique dichiara incompatibile l’appartenenza all’organizzazione con l’adesione alla risoluzione pubblicata da Jehan nel suo "Bulletin". Si trattava della contrapposizione tra i partecipazionisti alla guerra imperialista spagnola e gli internazionalisti sostenitori delle posizioni classiste .

Pertanto una minoranza – l’insieme del gruppo di Bruxelles, eccetto tre compagni (tra cui Hennaut) – lasciava la Ligue. Il 15 aprile appariva il primo numero del suo bollettino mensile, contenente i documenti di base concernenti la costituzione della Frazione Belga della Sinistra Comunista Internazionale . It was not, as Hennaut wanted to believe, an offshoot of the Italian Fraction, but the conclusion of the whole process during which the Belgian proletariat had arrived for the first time, to lay the groundwork for the construction of a genuine class party.

We know that the Belgian Communist Party was created by the socialist youth, the lure of the Russian Revolution, left the POB. In Belgium, to its formation was not preceded by social events, because the bourgeoisie was able, thanks to compromise Lophem , curb with the "social reform" the tide ebbed towards the proletarian organizations of the POB. Very soon, the young core community was embroiled in a merger, imposed by the Comintern, with the group of the Left Socialist Jacquemotte. However, in 1928, the majority party in the opposition that, after the split of Antwerp, were with him all the militant vanguard of the labor movement in Belgium. The Opposition moved to grope among the multitude of problems posed to the Marxist left. The absence of major social movements and the impression of stagnation in general, not just the score they recorded that quickly permeated. Bisognava agire come partito o come frazione? Questi problemi erano dibattuti al suo interno senza esito, allorché era evidente che unicamente un lavoro come frazione – seppur escluso dall’Opposizione – avrebbe permesso di approcciare i problemi della degenerazione centrista e di elaborare le posizioni che avrebbero consentito, al momento del tradimento del centrismo, di evolvere verso la costituzione del nuovo partito. Trockij, dal suo esilio, pose imperativamente i termini del problema ("raddrizzamento dei partiti" contra frazioni di sinistra) e senza attendere una discussione internazionale, senza comprendere le difficoltà inevitabili Belgian Opposition, led to the question of Eastern China (the railroad sold by Stalin to China) a split that finally broke up the Belgian opposition. The latter was split into two sections: the first (the Federation of Charleroi) created the group official Trotskyists would play out in POB, and then come up with elements of the left and form the Revolutionary Socialist Party, the second gave birth to Ligue des Communists Internationalistes de Belgique that vegetated until 1932. At a time when the group degenerated Trotskyists, excluded items internationalists and broke with the Italian Left, the Ligue appeared as the only group class survived.

Meanwhile reactionary opposed the idea of \u200b\u200b"rectifying" the confused idea of \u200b\u200b"new parties", the Ligue admitted however that there were no historical conditions and ideological preparation to constitute them. On the other hand, with regard to "democracy and fascism," in terms of principles, gave a satisfactory answer (although today the magazine has to support the English Republicans) not considered possible to be satisfied of the "first four Congresses of the Communist ".

His collaboration with the Italian Fraction , which led to a widening of the base work, and the arrival of new items left in standby or Trotskyists from the group, would have resulted in an atmosphere of discussion in which they addressed the key problems of the communist movement at both the international specifically on that of Belgium. During these discussions, that examined the evolution of Russia and the new international situation and the Belgian, who appeared for the differences crystallized gradually in two currents that were still, however, a common work. The differences focused on Russia, the problem of war (Abyssinia), democracy (the plebiscite Saar), on the elections, the Socialist Left and, finally, the problem of the party and the process of its formation in Belgium, and were exhibited in the "Bulletin" of the Ligue and the "Cahiers" (particularly "Bilan").

At the end of this development, the English events put the two currents meet the need of giving expression to their political differences and expressed opposition in principle. The problem of the State and the Party saw there were two opposing positions, one of which led to imperialist war and the other to fight for the proletarian revolution . The division was necessary and was place.

In the process of evolution of the current that would form the Village of Belgium, the Italian Fraction actively intervened, but as an accelerator class tend to be defined and how the international support of the Italian proletariat, the proletariat Belgian dragged in supporting the imperialist war.

If, then, from the point of view, there is no historical link between the Belgian and the first fraction which formed the nucleus of the Communist Party, in reality, such a link exists from the perspective of the historical evolution of the proletariat Belgian, as the current fraction that is not the fulfillment of the effort made by the proletariat in all countries after 1917: the creation of the basis of the class party.

Paragraph 1 of "Communism" , monthly organ of the Belgian hamlet, has published a statement, the starting point for the development of its platform, which was inspired by the same principles as the Italian Fraction. In its bulletin, has already published a series of resolutions on the central problems of the current situation inside the debate continues on a set of issues that we discuss in our next issue.

* "Octobre", the monthly organ of the Bureau International des Fractions de la Gauche Communiste No 1 February 1938. On Fractions of the Belgian and Italian history of the Communist Left, see [Philippe Bourrinet ] The Italian Communist Left. 1927-1952 , CCI , 1984.