Who we are, what we want, to whom we turn
"It's bad side to produce the movement that makes history, leading the fight."
(Karl Marx, The Poverty of Philosophy )
" The bad side is an aggregation of the casual and temporary basis to a small number of individuals, who met in Bologna in 2010, based on their experiences of struggle, more or less militant, matured in the milieu Autonomy and radical anarchism. What drove us to meet and interact, has been the need for theoretical reflection, product of practical experience passed on communism as a real movement which abolishes the present state of things.
In sharp break with the ideology of "post-modernist" dominant, we believe that the era of class struggle has not ended, and that, on the contrary, the society in which we live, that is capitalism, is still based on the exploitation of labor, on the extraction of surplus value, the existence of classes. We believe that today the only real prospect of change for the human species is the destruction of capitalism, the class struggle is the only possible dynamics of such destruction, and that the latter, because capitalism is a worldwide system, will also be global or not at all.
Far from believing that the proletariat and the bourgeoisie have disappeared, we believe, on the contrary, they are still the two main classes that structure the society as a whole. The proletariat has not ceased to be the subject of the historical revolution, as to the extent that makes it possible, through the work, the process of valorization of capital, for the same reason it can also destroy. The workers have not gone away, from a higher level of capitalist development is rather controsocietà working - that set of customs, places, myths and rituals that characterized the life (and reproduction material) of the workforce of the past - to become extinct. For this, much less than yesterday, the revolution may be today the extension of an existing counter, the affirmation of what the workers are in the capitalist society, conversely, it is the negation of everything that plays them as such: a process of self-negation of the proletariat and dissolution of all classes .
So do not conceive Communism as an emancipation of work, to be achieved through a class dictatorship (party or councils) and a transition more or less long, nor as a mere reappropriation and socialization of what already exists, from the phone to factory arbre magique-. The capitalist social relations are inscribed in the material incorporated in the technological tools we use at work and at leisure, encysted in the form of housing and urbanism, as well as in the knowledge and interpersonal relationships. These social relations, such individuals. Other social relations produce different individuals, with needs and desires that will obviously be not the same as today. Therefore, we think that the necessarily violent insurgency and the destruction of the State and all the repressive apparatus (police, prisons, etc..) Can not leave behind the old world, if postponed indefinitely the creation of different social relations, that is if shall place at the same time measures in place to really change your life. On the other hand, different social relations can not be created at any time and place, through a simple act of will, perhaps with the flight into micro-worlds alternative, and everywhere prevail and defeat the counterrevolution, the problem arises only when the class struggle spills over into a more general upheaval. Only la sinergia dei due aspetti, che chiamiamo comunizzazione , può spingere al salto verso l'ignoto sociale .
Per questo, riteniamo che il proletariato occupato sia non tanto la sorgente unica della trasformazione, quanto il suo centro d'attrazione. Il movimento comunista si inscrive in una dimensione che è allo stesso tempo classista e umana. Esso fa leva sul ruolo centrale degli operai proletari senza essere un operaismo, e anela a una comunità umana senza essere un umanismo. Non solo laddove si presenta una ripresa della lotta di classe, i proletari salariati non sempre sono i primi a muoversi, ma non sono nemmeno gli unici. But they are those who can, more than others, prohibit the reproduction of capital . The strength of a class movement can be estimated by its capacity is likely to apply to the workplace without so rinchiudervisi; or to grasp, articulate and almost overcome the contradiction between class size and the human.
not elaborate recipes for the inns of the future. Communism is not a way of producing "superior" to capitalism i n effects, is not even a mode of production e. The world, which will be beyond capitalism, it is not now clearly describable in any case, not through the categories we use to criticize capitalism. Today, we can only say it will destroy the economy, non-radical accounts of what is produced and what you enjoy, abolition of all social mediation between individuals (family, home, church, ethnic or political etc. ).
The Communist Party is for us that historical thread anonymous irreducible to any formalization, color, symbol, flag or "character" , which binds the past to the future, all communists of the world . We are nevertheless convinced that in ultimi due secoli di lotte di classe, raggruppamenti e singoli che non si definivano tali, abbiano difeso la prospettiva comunista assai meglio di tanti altri somari; e che gli individui si giudicano da ciò che sono, cioè da ciò che fanno , e non da ciò che credono di essere.
Non ci prefiggiamo come scopo quello di “organizzare” i proletari. Pensiamo, piuttosto, che qualsiasi organizzazione permanente che si definisca rivoluzionaria, sia essa preesistente o posteriore alle lotte, vada necessariamente incontro al proprio fallimento. La rivoluzione non è più quella. L'autorganizzazione è il suo primo time. But this has ceased to be the re-founding principle of any company, not is the foreshadowing of the future community, the negation of the proletariat can not be exceeded.
Nor is it our intention to "educate" anyone: consciousness, for us, is not identified with a corpus defined and "inoculation" given once and for all, but is a product of the struggles and behavior class that is born, change, grow and set with them. Our own theoretical work, conflicting and complementary to other forms, all equally imbarcate nella medesima fase di lotta e nei suoi limiti, non è che un momento assai parziale e marginale di questa coscienza in gestazione, la quale si trova ancora disarmata di fronte a numerose questioni. Gli uomini (e noi con essi) entrano in rapporto fra loro in condizioni che non scelgono; vogliono prima di sapere perché vogliono e agiscono prima di sapere perché agiscono. La teoria comunista sa che la coscienza è quel qualcosa di cui il mondo deve appropriarsi. Dicendo questo, essa pone il problema; ma non lo può risolvere d'anticipo, poiché sa anche che la soluzione risiede nell' auto-attività e nell' auto-riflessione dei proletari, giammai nella delega a pretesi specialisti the revolution, "theoretical" or "practical" to be. Not that we justify what the anti-theoretical, which characterized, in our view, an attitude self-defeatist .
We think that communism is not a historical necessity, but a possibility , no less present today than yesterday, and will remain so until the labor, capital and classes exist. The theory of communism do not mean to prove "scientifically" the objective need for a revolution inscribed in the laws of the capitalist economy; much less prove his subjective need (more or less ethical or moral) for propaganda purposes, making an inventory of all the disasters caused by the current social order. It means, instead, ask questions and show the conditions under which the revolution is can say. Nevertheless, it is itself praxis, the active element in the class struggle.
The question of the social crisis is . So we are interested in more of the economic analysis as such, changes in class relations, the set of forces.
not adhere to any "tradition" of the revolutionary movement in particular, pursue, instead, an acquisition of all the critical theoretical and practical experiences of anti-capitalist struggles of the past and present, on a synthesis possible necessarily always be done, and be redone. Distrust of both the accessions to the doctrines uncritical, pre-packaged as' free thinking 'and' mental self-management. " Communist theory passes these opposites, to show their solidarity substantial, and not to abdicate before the need for consistency and rigor.
No minimum premium proselytizing. However, what interests us is to come into contact with individuals or groups that already share most of the guidelines are expressed in order to identify and follow paths that are still to be traced.
For the rest, we participate and we contribute to the struggles of today, where there are, what they are, without spawning activism and avant-garde.
Bologna, January 2011
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