Jean Barrot (1973)
["Le Mouvement Communiste", Paris, No. 5 October 1973 ; see also the same author, most recently against democracy ]
" Their political intelligence concealed them the roots of their social misery, in their distorted understanding of their true purposes, so that their political intelligence deceived their social instinct. " ( Karl Marx , 1844).
Every social system is both a personal and impersonal force. If you miss the first deadline, the company becomes only an entity above the social relations, and if you miss the second, is not possible overview, and we do not include dynamics. In addition, capital is both competition and solidarity, unity and contradiction. The movement is both centrifugal and centripetal. The Book III de Capital not intended to plug a hole in the grounds of simple scientific consistency: Marx will study the "whole process" to order to highlight this double movement. It has been said, rightly, that Capital is not a work of economics, but a critique of economics as a separate study of a separate business . In fact, it insists on the economic if not in order to place it in a larger whole, of which the study of the state and the world market would be the conclusion that Marx did not have the time nor the strength to draw (both for material reasons, both because they do not discern the full extent) [1]. Still, it's from the study of capital, and therefore the Capital , which can address the policy goes back to) the beginning of Book I, b) the partial synthesis consisting of the first sections of Book III. A single theme unites the analysis of goods to that of the overall process of capital.
If the International Situationniste spoke of "society of spectacle", the first section Paper I provides the elements of a similar theme, about the notion of representation . The Jewish Question , to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right. Introduction , Critique of the Hegelian state law and Glosses critical margin to ' Article 'The King of Prussia and Social Reform: Observations of a Prussian " had sketched this reflection on the separation and politics. The commodity is the cell shape, the basic element of the economy of capital. But in a broader sense, the commercial relationship is the archetype of social relations in the capitalist world. An item is a report, not as good, but in terms of what it represents, the amount of abstract work that has crystallized. It matters little to the actual content of the object against which the goods are exchanged: to import is just what it is "support." Similarly, individuals who are engaged in the exchange, they look without in realtà vedersi, giacché considerano l’altro solo come un mezzo per accrescere una somma di valore. Inoltre, ciascuno finisce per considerare anche se stesso come il supporto di qualcosa che è altro da sé: il lavoro è un mezzo per guadagnarsi la vita, anziché per viverla. L’attività è un mezzo per accedere a qualcosa d'altro, a qualcosa di esteriore al suo contenuto proprio. E questo «altro» – vedere gli amici, viaggiare, amare etc. – tende a sua volta a comportarsi come la riproduzione di un’immagine della vita, dunque come una rappresentazione che viene imposta dal capitale. Le merci, ma anche coloro che ne sono i possessori, percorrono una galleria di specchi nella quale possono exist only contemplating.
"estranged from the product of his work, his life activity, his being generic man becomes a stranger man . When the faces, is the ' other that is before him. What is true about man's relationship with the his work with the product of his work and himself, it is true about her relationship with each other, as well as with the work and the object of others' work. In general, the argument that man is estranged from his being generic means that men have become strangers to each other, and each one is estranged from the human species. "[2]
The relationship with the other has no value in itself, but its aim is self-empowerment, whether real or symbolic. This movement is deepening with the change from the simple commodity economy mercantile capitalism, but its foundation remains. Those men who are the sellers of commodified labor-power, do not relate to each other only in the light of their social development [3]. Each commodity is interested only in the exchange value of other goods, not their value in use, and especially considers its value in use, its very being, only to support its exchange value. We have relationships with other people only for what they represent, not for what they are. In the U.S., where Marx noted in the last century worker's indifference to the content of their work, the isolation of individuals generates a 'social life' in which si presume che il «buon americano» appartenga a diversi club e associazioni, dove di volta in volta impersona il ruolo che ci si attende da lui: buon cristiano, buon cittadino, buon padre etc. A livello individuale, il senso dei propri atti sfugge: nulla di ciò che faccio ha un legame con la ragione per cui lo faccio. Credo di agire, ma sono in realtà agito dalla società. A livello dei gruppi sociali, una classe, agli occhi dell'altra, è solo il supporto della propria esistenza. Ma in primo luogo, se il valore impone la propria legge, è alla società stessa che sfugge the rationale for their actions.
To the extent that the unit is gone, the company must be reorganized, and this becomes the preferred activities, and even main. The management becomes the problem, and the decision of the special moment. Since the action is divided and fragmented, the decision whether it detaches and becomes a task of the apparatus of a specialized. The power is constituted as a separate activity and function, only because the social activity itself is separate. The problem of power , nell'accezione narrower term arises when people have lost the power to act and change.
Greek philosophy, seeking to establish a society where the elite take care of managing the power to manage the company, the theory and idealized painful alienation of which tries, however, passing on the artistic, but in both cases it is already an effort to establish mediation, since the report immediately disappeared. It is not only because of the class struggles that we need a structure to maintain the unity of society. More precisely, the "struggle" class is only one aspect - the focus - of a wider reality. Is there a contradiction between social groups and between tasks. The commercial logic is imposed social balance. The threats to life on the planet are evidence, and confirm what is called (unilaterally) the prospect of catastrophic theoretical communism. But the ancient world already knew, albeit in different forms, this issue, and the development policies of Plato and Aristotle were essentially designed to preserve a balance between classes is endangered by the development of wealth. The originality of the Negro lies in having tried for a long time, often to the XIX century, to maintain a stable balance between a) the remains of ancient communities , based on ties of kinship and the whole of social life, and b) the development of commercial activities. The black world was limited, but not able to prevent the development of policy as specialized activities in the separation of unification, and power as an institution in charge of this function.
'Thus, roughly from 1450 onwards, the central problem of the imperial policy is in need of finding a balance between the interests of cities - with their merchants, officials and the growing interest in the collection - and against the interests of the country, egalitarian extensively [4].
The first three sections of Book III shows the overall mechanism capital. Competition and centralization are the two moments of its movement. The process by which it is determined an average rate of profit, is also the one through which capital is organized as a social force, while in the center and eliminates the less productive. Marx speaks of a capitalist communism [5] . Match of the elementary cell of capitalism, the analysis is at its general rule. The dynamics is twofold. On the one hand, capital unifies both economically as socially, giving itself the means to face, at all levels, and its competitors is the proletariat. Second, this unity can only exist as a trend, syntheses to be redone. There are both concentration and dispersion.
policy also has two in the capitalist world. On the one hand, is capital itself more and more to ensure the unification of society. The programs are not that different variants of the same basic program. On the other hand, the ongoing financial difficulties of the capital revives political issues, organization and reorganization of the company - even in the U.S. [6]. Politics is not dead. Its integration in the capital, a consequence of capitalist contradictions, is not synonymous with death. It would be equally absurd to assert the primacy of politics "that deny his reality , seeing it as a simple ideology. Any theory that starts from politics is barren, and leads to a quest for power: instead of aiming for a change, even small, social relations, we want to organize others in the sight of some end. At this separation it accompanies another, internal to the individual itself, when it becomes militant. Are compared debates among leftists sexuality with this letter to Jenny Karl Marx:
"I I feel a new man, because I feel a great passion, and diversity in the study and the modern culture we hang up, and the skepticism with which we are led necessarily to criticize all the subjective and objective, are made to make us all children and weak and plaintive and unresolved. But love non per l’uomo di Feuerbach, non per il metabolismo di Moleschott, non per il proletariato, bensì l’amore per l’amata, per te, fa dell’uomo nuovamente un uomo» [7].
Il militante crede di elevarsi al di sopra delle costrizioni sociali mentre ne è vittima a un grado ben più elevato, rispetto al salariato ordinario. Infatti, il militante interiorizza la lacerazione e la spoliazione costitutive dell’uomo moderno. Il militante è il cittadino compiuto. L’uomo normale assume la propria separazione politica solo nel momento in cui partecipa «attivamente» alla politica (elezioni). Il militante ne fa una regola di vita.
«Nell’individuo si mostra cos’è la legge generale : la società civile e lo Stato sono separati. Dunque il cittadino nello Stato e il cittadino come semplice membro della società civile sono egualmente separati. Bisogna dunque ch’egli operi una rottura essenziale con se stesso […]. Il cittadino deve dismettere il suo stato, lo stato civile, lo stato privato, per acquistare significato e attività politici […]» [8].
However, identifying and political capital, you end up in a dead end. In fact, what is the capital? There is not and can not exist a universal capital. Who says the capital says the fight, who says the fight said periodic adjustment of the conditions of this struggle. You can not reduce the political capital: it can only develop policy analysis from the capital.
You can get an overview of capitalism developing the various meanings of the concept of representation . In the representation intended as entertainment, exchange, and even more capitalist exchange, gives life to individuals in the image processing. Even when it does, it changes again. In the sense given it by Marx at the beginning of Book I, goods and people work only in view of other work by the same: we work for what the work is, or the value. Finally, the mercantile society can live only by creating a structure for aggregation, can not exist as a whole, because the social relationships that comprise it threatens to explode. The total consists of economic relations (see Paper III) requires, because of the contradictions that animate it, a structure to keep it. This is evidence of a tear in the bosom of society, as well as the existence and relative therapeutic success of psychoanalysis attest to the internal laceration to the individual.
This is the meaning of Marx's critique of the Hegelian theory of law: whether the company needs an element representing that to be true, if not just to itself, can not be herself, this impairment test his deeply contradictory nature. The company creates the merchant its not all by itself but beyond itself. Not that politics is outside the company: the state is the society (in all senses of the word 'represent'), the symbolize. And common sense does not even imagine a society without a state, ditto for the politicians because it gives them a living. As he wrote in "Nouvelle France", a weekly central PCF , May 15, 1973: "Every State has done the hard work of men, their sacrifices, their struggles , of their achievements. " This poetic praise and should not be concerned forget the reality of the state. If the company creates the rule, not the reverse, it does not follow that the state is an illusion. The company, first and foremost the ruling class, asked him to solve real problems at all. The separation is in reality itself becomes the ultimate reality. The statolatria ridiculed by Amadeo Bordiga works as the fetishism of commodities. The state is seen as a thing, a being, not a relationship. This reversal follows the reversal that accompanies the exchange: you see a creation where there is a mediation, a subject where there is an object.
" the state is more powerful, more a country is, therefore, political etc. etc.. "[9].
The critique reveals not the omnipotence of revolutionary politics to accuse, but instead his weakness. He saw a powerless form, whose content is elsewhere, and who lives only for the difficulties of the company to self-preservation. But politics is not a hoax, it is not anything inconsistent. To the extent that it crystallizes in State , it becomes a social force, and considerable means of repression available to Member attest to its reality. But the inevitable tendency of the contemporary state to dominate the whole of life, it's just a response to the crisis of capital which occurred after 1914, both economically or socially.
policy is not just politicians. Politicians rely on the inherent tendency of contemporary man, the man of capital, to seek the truth and the solution of his condition in another place, beyond the social relations. It is not a historical coincidence that religion, philosophy and politics have been criticized by Marx simultaneously or, more precisely, in the same critical movement, in each of the three cases, we moved to another level: instead of transforming Actually, it displaces. The politicians only serve as mediators between social relationships and this other reality that is the regulation of contradictions. Constitute themselves as managers of the mediation. If the workers 'management is conservative because it does participate in the wage to their exploitation, the' self della politica da parte di tutti è un asservimento ben più profondo.
Note:
[1] Vedi il piano di Marx del 1857 , in Opere Complete .
[2] Karl Marx , Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 in Collected Works .
[3] Karl Marx , fundamental features of the Critique of Political Economy in Collected Works .
[4] Basil Davidson , African Civilization , Einaudi, Torino, 1972, p. 197.
between growth of trade and development policy and the rule does not give neither parallel nor evolutionary robotics. There is no universal model of linear development of society. In addition to the necessary distinction between commercial exchange and ritual or ceremonial exchange, there are companies in which the exchange is relatively blocked, and yet know a lot of development state: for example, in the Asiatic mode of production. What is true is that the policy becomes autonomous only if the value becomes autonomous, when the Mercantile Exchange extends.
[5] Karl Marx , Capital , Paper III. See also § 4, "The law of value 'in Jean Barrot , contribution to the critique of ideology ultra , Edizioni Jud, Caserta, 1973.
[6] This question was addressed in 1967 in the introduction to a booklet of Pouvoir Ouvrier: Imperialism bureaucrat et face aux Revolutions dans le tiers-monde . See also Paul Mattick , Marx and Keynes , De Donato, Bari, 1972.
[7] Karl Marx to Jenny Marx, June 21, 1856, in Complete Works.
[8] Karl Marx, C ritica del diritto statuale hegeliano , in Opere complete.
[9] Karl Marx, Glosse criticisms in the margins of the article 'The King of Prussia and Social Reform: Observations of a Prussian " in Collected Works.
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