"Battaglia Comunista (2008)
The limits of structural form union and its decisive functionality to the survival of capitalism are made even more obvious by the phenomenon of grassroots unions, clear demonstration of how a radical painted language does not change one iota the essence of the instrument trade union.
Just as the presence of the ultra-liberal Democratic Party may even smuggle Communist Refoundation for a party that defends the interests of workers, so the current concerted policies and slashing the workforce of the trade union confederations left unattended in an area which settle the various unions and radical self-styled base.
This is the usual operation is to retrieve "left" that is lost due to the constant progress of the attacks on living conditions of the proletariat.
The usual strategy is to the most rancid reformism that seeks to pass off those battles for workers who are the daily struggles of the capitalist system with all the contradictions of his being rot:
"The great scam is repeated essentially reformist always in the same form: exchange phenomena typical of capitalist dynamics as a product of class struggle, set strategy, tactics and objectives derived from that approach and that are amenable to the conditions of sale and use of the labor force, the conditions of reproduction of labor power, and conditions reproduction of capital. " (1)
am the needs of capitalism in its monopoly stage to make the union a vital piece of the bourgeois state, with all due respect to every voluntary aspirations of trade unionists as "aggressive." As we have always stressed, according to the methodology of political counter-Marxist reasons expressed by these organizations are to be found "in the factual basis for its determination" (2), not in some unspecified betrayal by the leadership to call on a more consistent militancy Communist!
While the increasing difficulties of involving the enhancement of capital flight to financial speculation or relocation of in countries where labor costs are lower, on the other, resulting in a more radical attack toward the workers, trying to squeeze those last drops of surplus value that you can still extract. The union is an indispensable tool in the hands of the bourgeoisie in order to pass such policies without undue social repercussions. And the basis of trade unionism is an integral part of this mechanism.
fact is a fact that any trade union, pro-negotiation or anticontertativo, is the instrument by which the workforce is not just sold at the best market price as at the best price possible for capitalism in a given historical moment. Since
from their appearance on the Italian scene (1979: RdB in Public Employment, 1987: Base the school committees) are unions of the base were characterized by the presence of insurmountable and physiological limitations in their economic and political horizon. Visual horizon, beyond the surface facets, is characterized in the final analysis for four core elements:
• nationalism, as in the worst tradition of nazionalcomunismo Togliatti;
• corporatism, with no prospect to assume the economic demands of a character class
• constructive reform , con profusione di sforzi per salvare il capitalismo nella sua versione “buona”;
• esclusivo difensivismo , con cieca accettazione delle necessarie compatibilità dell’attuale fase economica.
1. “Riportare l’Italia al ruolo che le compete”
Anche nel sindacalismo di base, come in molte realtà politiche sedicenti radicali, la più lampante e profonda caratteristica che ne svela il carattere antimarxista è la mancanza di una prospettiva coerentemente internazionalista. Nulla di stupefacente, sia chiaro, considerando che il ceto politico sitting at the top of the various single trade union base is largely inherited from the wreckage para-Stalinist gravitating into the orbit of the Italian Communist Party first and then Proletarian Democracy.
Here then appear in the documents and leaflets of these unions a series of heartfelt appeals to a policy that returns to Italy the role it deserves on the international stage:
"You need an urgent change and radical of the broad economic policy and its social references [...]. RdB The Civil Service believes that the turnaround has to be through [...] the restoration of political economica ed industriale che riscopra il ruolo dell’intervento pubblico. È la scelta che in anni ormai lontani ha consentito all’Italia di svilupparsi e di diventare uno dei paesi più ricchi del mondo." (3)
I toni e il linguaggio sono indistinguibili da quelli di un sindacato dell’epoca del Ventennio fascista. Uno dei paesi più ricchi del mondo? In quale contesto internazionale? In quale fase economica? A spese di chi? Non è un caso che, come scritto da Pannekock nel 1936 (4), la parte più cosciente della classe operaia denunciasse e combattesse lo sfruttamento coloniale mentre il sindacalismo lo considerasse fonte di prosperità.
Se si omette a reference class of trans-national, what is left of these claims is a vaguely social tension, and strictly national reconciliation between the classes is perfectly compatible, indeed essential equilibrium of capitalism.
similar situation is tailored perfectly to the various campaigns for salaries of Europe:
"The increase of 250 € we ask is to recover the income that workers have lost. For example serves to approximate the wages of Italian metalworkers to those Germans who take over 1000 Euros. " (5)
"First European wages, namely the equation wages of all workers in the Italian highest average existing in the community. It is unthinkable that we create cages wage that existed in Italy in the Fifties. "(6)
I recommend therefore, raise their wages of Italian workers and not for example, foreigners working in Italy or all proletarians. Very evocative then the choice of the comparison with the German workers that recalls the chauvinism and anti-fascist patriotic memory of Togliatti.
2. "Investments in the Public Administration staff"
Other character soffoca sul nascere ogni slancio rivoluzionario negli ambiti strettamente sindacali è l’incapacità di superare i limiti di una visione corporativa della lotta economica.
Il tentativo di legare le battaglie rivendicative con il filo rosso degli interessi di classe è sistematicamente frustrato in nome delle concrete e quotidiane lotte locali nel proprio settore, secondo la logica del consueto fare oggi quello che è necessario (ma lo è per le esigenze del capitale!) rimandando l’assalto al cielo ad un domani imprecisato e sempre più lontano.
È evidente l’inversione tra mezzi e fini: le battaglie economico-sindacali dovrebbero essere condotte in una prospettiva più ampia di formazione di una coscienza di classe e saldatura degli interessi comuni dei lavoratori; ma come manca una visione trasversale a livello internazionale, manca anche una vera prospettiva trans categoriale.
Ne è piena conferma il naufragio del tentativo di costituire con la Confederazione Unitaria di Base (CUB) una confederazione tra sigle sindacali di base (RdB per il Pubblico Impiego, FLMU per i metalmeccanici, FLTU per i trasporti, FLAICA per il terziario, SALLCA per bancari e assicurativi… ).
A 16 anni dalla sua costituzione, i tentavi di coordinare l’attività delle organizzazioni partecipanti si sono infranti contro le barriere delle burocrazie, dei privilegi, degli interessi di bottega delle sigle aderenti, that the failure to structure the confederation as a unitary entity.
After several years of mutual forbearance, in January 2008 RdB has finally broken through the inertia with a position in which he criticizes the inadequacy of the federal government to face its responsibilities and to suspend its members from participating in meetings of national coordination. Whatever you do to end this latest internal dispute, it is clear that the different codes from time to move independently, if not in open conflict with each other, as in the case of RDB and Transportation FLTU.
In any case, the content of the material produced by these organizations left little room for doubt. The apology for the "Public" by RdB reached peaks that would be embarrassing even for the various state capitalism is considered a model of its political leadership.
They range from a proposal for a "revival of the Public Administration as a factor of development" (7) to the grotesque fragmentation within the same staff:
"To those who believe that decentralization of functions to municipalities and cadastral response to the malfunctioning of the Agency of Natural Resources, it must be said that the Land Agency in recent years has shown that they can do a good job reaching more and more "challenging" production levels and improving the quality of services provided to citizens and professionals. "(8)
Obviously, this point of view, the recovery of tax evasion, a panacea for all ills of the economy according to the reformist economism, should be aimed at" support a policy of encouraging the employees of Public Administration "(9).
This will end up also devalue the right battles in defense of the simulacrum of social guarantees that capitalism, in order to contain and tame the working class conflict, ventured to bestow its expansionary phase, and once more they become the end of the struggle and not the means for achievements higher.
3. The citizen's income, the Tobin Tax and capitalism with a human face
approach social-reformist trade unions to reach a basic moral condemnation of capitalism through the dissociation mode of production and distribution mode: between wealth as dominion over things (wealth production, the good side) and wealth as power over men (wealth distribution, the bad side).
The capitalist form is considered untouchable in the name of a healthy and responsible political realism. This is where you can struggle against, obviously within the posts established by the institutions to defend economic order, so it is only the unequal distribution, morally unjust of the fruits of this mode of production. Consequently, the response to capitalist exploitation should be found to the appropriate control distribution through the imposition of planning laws, the taking of political decisions and more rigorous compliance of individuals to correct and proper moral precepts.
So explains the campaign for "citizen's income" carried out by the archipelago of sindacatini base, particularly by COBAS and RDB, separate organizations not because of any political-economic content of the claims, but for the most eventful first character that opposes the most Stalinist bureaucratic than the second.
With the battle for the citizen's income is consecrated to the universal nature of the claims and inter-abdication any revolutionary ambition of overcoming of capitalism. Indeed, there is to beg the capitalists themselves to give up a portion of its profits, already choked by the difficulty of valorization of capital, because workers can live better. Not being able to talk about naivety, opportunism and the danger of these organizations are placed in the same line of historians who have linked social-democratic parties hands and feet of the proletariat awaiting slaughter of some authoritarian following year, as in the 20s and 30s of last century.
Other paradigmatic example of this way of understanding political activity is the campaign for the Tobin Tax, the proposal to tax speculative capital at a rate between 0.25% and 0.1%.
Among the supporters of this instrument, we find the magazine Cestes Proteus ", a body of theoretical and scientific RdB:
" The Tobin Tax has set as its goal to reduce speculation because they are the cause of the uncertainty and the volatility of foreign exchange and, as We have already said, can cause deep crisis in emerging markets. Some supporters of the Tobin want, with this proposal, combat speculation in what they perceive as poor financial investments for development. In other words, investors who daily move their capital from an investment to another looking for quick profits produce nothing, if these funds were invested in the production of goods and services would support the development and thus employment, and the only way you could fight poverty. So the effects of Tobin are: to protect developing countries from speculative attacks and enhance the development of these countries. "(10)
We are facing a perfect blend of idealism, opportunism and absolute continuity with the schemes not only economic, but even mental capitalism, under which the capitalist is given to speculation, rather than investing in production, a yearning for individual profit and not for the higher target capital requirements imposed by the economic cycle.
All this fits with the inherent nature of trade unionism in general, whose demands have to stay within capitalism in which it acts as a force of conservative objectively.
fact, if during the economic expansion of the trade unions can be seen more easily accepted their demands and increase their credibility with employees, in the early stages of decline, they must work for the revival of the capitalist economy:
"For the grassroots unions to boost the Italian economy need to take a completely different direction, because they are the liberal policies that have made the precarious existence of millions of people [...] The Italian economy is one that is suffering from the crisis more than any other country and the lives of the working class has become untenable [...] We believe that the Treu package and the Law 30 should be replaced by 4 or 5 rapporti di lavoro." (11)
È evidente che solo un capitalismo in piena salute possa esaudire le richieste socialriformistiche dei sindacatini.
4. La firma tecnica sui contratti
Tutto quanto scritto in questo documento dimostra il carattere esclusivamente difensivo delle battaglie condotte dai sindacati di base, condannati per la loro stessa essenza e per la congiuntura economica in cui si trovano a condurre un backgammoniano “combattimento in ritirata”. Il fatto di ritrovarsi in una determinata fase economica senza comprenderne le dinamiche e le prospettive porta queste organizzazioni to passive acceptance of the compatibility of the system. In any case not foreshadowing a way out that is not within the capitalist framework, the differences between trade unions and confederations basic quantitative differences are reduced to surface about the claims, but never lapsing in quality.
Further confirmation of all that is in the tools used in the prosecution of the much-vaunted immediate objectives, newspapers. One of our profound criticism of the unions has always been to base their inevitable acceptance of "rules" relating to both anti-strike laws, the rights of trade unions (and non-paid leave, protection from transfers paid calling of assemblies, etc ...). The law provides for example that in the public service trade union rights can only use the abbreviations that have gained the greater representation, it can be achieved in two ways:
• the signature on the contract, relying on
• an average of at least 5% of number of subscribers in the sector and voters in elections to the RSU.
Based on this scenario, has now become established practice, the so-called "signature technique" on contracts:
"Despite the strong evaluation negative content of the agreements expressed by our organization and confirmed by the consultation of workers of the two businesses involved, the Public Employment RdB Cub this morning all'Aran signing contracts for the ministries and that of non economic public bodies (parastate) with the intention of defend to the end of the limited space of viability union now left in our country.
"Despite a very negative assessment of the contractual terms [...] signed to safeguard the space of dissent and opposition in a framework of industrial relations that is slipping ever closer to fascism.
" This morning RdB sign the contracts but it is clear that the problem is not the signing or not signing. The real problem, and that affects everybody, even more so in a time of strong attack on the rights of workers, is democracy, the one with the capital. "(12)
Here again the specter of Fascism and the promise of democracy to hide yet another sellout to the compatibility of the system.
drift confederal / co-operation of these organizations is a fact difficult to dispute: Apart from a revolutionary perspective in the name of defending the interests not immediate We can only recognize the reliability of the instruments of institutional bargaining over rash of true communist utopias.
intervention in the union
Of course, we never tire of saying, anything written in these pages will not underestimate the importance of economic struggles or demands immediate tradeunionistiche. They are a crucial arena of struggle of the proletariat if undertaken with the expectation of using them trascrescere in political struggle.
any misunderstanding on the position of the revolutionaries against the union is easily solved by distinguishing between the union as a field of intervention and as a tool of struggle. It is the responsibility of Communists in the union to intervene, but did not become members participating, without sharing the responsibilities, leading to instances of union workers, collecting and organizing the members who go against the union itself. This does not mean that, tactically and temporarily, in individual well-defined cases, the companions can subscribe to this or that union.
denounce the role of all radicalriformismi is indispensable task of the Communists: the understanding of the dynamics of labor is an integral part of the maturation of consciousness revolutionary.
In particular, it is necessary to disrupt the mechanism by which the inevitable discontent that matures within the working class is recovered to the same bourgeois-capitalist logic by those banks to the left of the capital represented by trade unions of the base.
Notes:
(1) Article "Man, environment and capital" by Mauro Stefanini Jr Prometheus on the 01/06/1994.
(2) Article "union neutrality" on the Battle of the Communist 1/10/1998.
(3) Flyer RdB / CUB elections for RSU 2004.
(4) “Il sindacalismo”, Pannekock, 1936.
(5) Comunicato Stampa della CUB dopo le sciopero di 8 ore proclamato da CUB, Sincobas, SULT, CIB-Unicobas, USI e CNL per il 21 Ottobre 2005.
(6) Intervista di Pietro Bernocchi, leader dei COBAS a Liberazione del 10/2/02.
(7) Volantino RdB/CUB per le elezioni RSU 2004.
(8) “Evasione fiscale in Italia: il peso del fisco, la leggerezza dello Stato Sociale” a cura di RdB Pubblico Impiego — settore Agenzie Fiscali.
(9) Idem come sopra.
(10) “Lo sviluppo alternativo eco-socio compatibile” di Valeria Cipriani in “Cestes Proteo”, n. 2003-1, pp. 117.
(11) Volantino della CUB per lo sciopero di 8 ore proclamato da CUB, Sincobas, SULT, CIB-Unicobas, USI e CNL per il 21 Ottobre 2005.
(12) Comunicati di RdB in occasione del 24 gennaio, giornata di mobilitazione nazionale per democrazia sindacale, salario e contro lo smantellamento della P.A.
[Tratto da http://www.leftcom.org/ ]
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